PREFACE TO FASTOLF

Pref. 2 worchip, honor.

Pref. 4 entent, purpose.

Pref. 5 kepyng and defendyng, protecting and fighting in defense of.

Pref. 6 rigth, right; comin welefare, common welfare.

Pref. 7 kynde, nature.

Pref. 13 gostly, spiritual.

Pref. 15 enforce, compel.

Pref. 17-18 wele poundered, carefully evaluated.

Pref. 19 embaundoned and yobyn youre selph to, devoted and dedicated yourself to.

Pref. 20 straunge, foreign.

Pref. 21 souverayn cheveten, supreme commander.

Pref. 25 and, if.

Pref. 27 be the suffraunce, with the permission.

Pref. 31 sowlehele, spiritual well-being (literally: soul health); policie gouvernaunce, wise political conduct.

Pref. 32 auctorised, validated; grounded, based.

Pref. 33 fors, strength (fortitude); exempled, exemplified; conceytys, opinions.

Pref. 35 prynspally, principally.

Pref. 37 streynght, strength; magnaminité, noble-mindedness.

Pref. 40 dictes, sayings; holde; old.

Pref. 42 astate, social class; degré, rank.

Pref. 43 safegard, repuignand, protecting, resistant (against sin).

Pref. 44 victories dedys, victorious deeds.

Pref. 45 expedient, advantageous; aventures, perils.

Pref. 51 clergé, knowledge.

Pref. 54 temporell, earthly.

Pref. 58 policé, policy.

Pref. 59 cowneseylles, counsels.

Pref. 60 transquillité, tranquility.

Pref. 61 thredde, third.

Pref. 63-64 suremounted . . . above, surpassed.
Pref. 64 opynly, plainly.

Pref. 66 gederid, gathered.

Pref. 69 exposicyons, explanations.

Pref. 80 Ewaungelistes and Epistollys, writers of the Gospels and Holy Letters; here, their.

Pref. 81 Fiat (Latin), Let it be done.


CHAPTER 1: OTHEA

1 I teach them lessons from a position of authority (literally: in a chair)

1.65 verrey feith, true faith (i.e., Christianity).

1.71 yonghthe, youth.

1.74 felawe, equal.

1.78 araide, adorned.

1.79 policie, self-governance; sewing everich aftir othir, each one following after another (in a list).

1.84 bounté, honor.

1.87 behoveli, appropriate.

1.89 applique, apply.

1.91 strech, extend.

1.94 watches, plots.

1.95 distroubelith, prevents.

1.96 mankyndli, human.

1.97 standyng, considering that; deceyvable, deceptive.

1.99 parfit, perfect.

1.102 tho, those.

1.103 ditee, literary composition.

1.104 moderis, mothers; conditoures, guides.

1.108 despited, disparaged.

1.110-11 Proverbs 2:10-11. "If wisdom shall enter into thy heart, and knowledge please your soul: counsel shall keep thee, and prudence shall preserve thee."


CHAPTER 2: TEMPERANCE

2.23 sister germayn, full sister (see note to 2.8).

2.28 perfitith, perfects (improves).

2.30 lymytte, restrict; superfluyteis, excesses.

2.31-32 refreyne and appese, restrain and placate.

2.32-33 lettith us fro, prevent us from (following).
2.33 despite, disparage.

2.34-36 [1 Peter 2:11]. "I beseech you as strangers and pilgrims, to refrain yourselves from carnal desires which war against the soul.


CHAPTER 3: HERCULES

3.49 vailable, beneficial; exhaunsing, exalting; alegge, (I) offer.

3.50 double availe, doubly useful.

3.53 high, lofty.

3.54 brought to ende many knyghtly wurthynesses, defeated many courageous worthy men; journeyer, adventurer.

3.55 viages, adventures.

3.65 abiding, steadfast.

3.66-67 price in armys, martial prowess.

3.68 wagis, rewards.

3.71 garmentes, features.

3.72 crased, crushed; hardi, fearless.

3.73 rude, fierce.

3.74-75 I John [2:14]. "I write unto you, young men, because you are strong, and theh word of God abideth in you; you have overcome the wicked one."


CHAPTER 4: MINOS

4.9 rowe, category.

4.10 rightwis, fair-minded.

4.11 justifie, judge.

4.13 fordon, overcome.

4.15 under the couvertoure of poetis, in the manner of poets.

4.16 chef bailie, chief bailiff.

4.18 will, wishes.

4.21 fersnes, severity.

4.22 commyttid, appointed.

4.24 rightwislye, equitably.

4.25 ordris, ranks.

4.32 noun-power, powerlessness.

4.33 keping, protection; kepyng₂, protecting.

4.35-36 Proverbs 21[:12, 15]. "The just considereth seriously the house of the wicked, that he may withdraw the wicked from evil; it is joy to do judgment."


CHAPTER 5: PERSEUS, PEGASUS, AND ANDROMEDA

5.19 acording, appropriate.

5.20 figure, comparison (example).

5.21 wanne, won.

5.22 flawe, flew.

5.24 fauchon or a glave, sword (falchion) or a spear (glaive).

5.25 disconfited, overcome.

5.27 a devoured, have devoured.

5.28-29 socoure . . . socoure, protect . . . aid.

5.30 desertes, deeds.

5.36 dome, judgment.

5.38 wilne, desire.

5.42 despiteth, disparages.

5.43 corage, disposition; weel, benefit.

5.44-45 Ecclesiasticus [41:15]. "Take care of a good name: for it shall continue with thee, more than a thousand precious treasures." (see notes)


CHAPTER 6: JUPITER

6.7 woke, week.

6.8 hiest spere, highest sphere.

6.12 auctours, authorities; copir, copper.

6.13 sangwen, sanguine.

6.15-16 pursuwyng knighthood, (when) practicing chivalry.

6.18 tendyng to, intent on.

6.20 mankyndely, humane.

6.24 dide, died.

6.26 exhauncid, granted.

6.26-27 [Matthew 5:7]. "Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy."


CHAPTER 7: VENUS

7.8 jolynes, gaiety (wantonness?).

7.9 oo, one; abaundoned to, given to (sexually).

7.12 abaundon to, surrender.

7.13 steyneth, taints.

7.16 voide degree, worthless angel (see note); fende, fiend.

7.16-17 first man, Adam.
7.17 voided, excluded.

7.18 veyne, source.

7.20-21 Psalms 30[:7]. "Thou hast hated all that regard vanities, to no purpose."


CHAPTER 8: SATURN

8.6 slowe, deliberate (not impetuous); hevi, serious.

8.8 prevy membres, genitals.

8.9 drof, chased.

8.11 peise, weigh (consider); ere, before; price of armes, martial prowess.

8.12 longyng, pertaining.

8.16 or, before.

8.19 freilnes, weakness of mind or spirit; discute, discuss.

8.20 scilence, silence.

8.22-23 Psalms 18[:10]. "The fear of the Lord is holy, enduring for ever and ever: the judgments of the Lord are true, justified in themselves."


CHAPTER 9: APOLLO

2 Lines 3-4: For he by no means may endure any filth in any way disguised.

9.10 notifie, signify.

9.13 geynseyng, opposition.

9.14 fallith, declines.

9.15 reisith, exalts.

9.16-17 [3] Esdras 3[:12]. "Truth triumphs over everything." (see note)


CHAPTER 10: PHOEBE

10.5 mone, moon.

10.13 oo, one.

10.14 plongeth, falls into despair; hevynes, misfortune.

10.16 floterith, wavers.

10.17 abidith, dwells; groundid, established; roted, rooted.

10.18-19 Ecclesiasticus 27[:12]. "A holy man continueth in wisdom as the sun: but a fool is changed as the moon."


CHAPTER 11: MARS

11.5 yrin, iron.

11.7 suweth armes, practices chivalry.

11.17 homely, domestic.

11.21-23 Ephesians 6[:12]. "Our wrestling is not against flesh and blood; but against principalities and power, against the rulers of the world of this darkness, against the spirits of wickedness in the high places."


CHAPTER 12: MERCURY

12.6 pontificalle, honorable.

12.8 theirewith, with it; behovely, suitable.

12.9 high price, supreme glory.

12.14 scheweres, announceres.

12.18 exortacion, encouragement.

12.20-21 Luke 10[:16] "he that heareth you, heareth me; and he that despiseth you, despiseth me."


CHAPTER 13: MINERVA

13.5 connynge, wisdom; fonde, originated.

13.6 cuirboille, leather armor.

13.11 goven, dedicated; sugettes, subjects.

13.18-19 Hebrews [11:6]. "Without faith it is impossible to please God." (see note)


CHAPTER 14: PALLAS AND MINERVA

14.8 ile, island.

14.9 fond, invented.

14.10 feire, excellent; subtile, skillfully designed.

14.13 according, appropriate.

14.18 availe, succeed.

14.20 travaylith, toil; deedli, mortal.

14.23-25 Hebrews 6:[18-19]. "We may have the strongest comfort, who have fled for refuge to hold fast the hope set before us, which we have as a sure anchor of the soul."


CHAPTER 15: PENTHESILEA

15.9 hevy, sorrowful.

15.10 hoost, army.

15.11 dede, did; worthinesses, feats of arms.

15.16 valure, prowess (valor); dulle and deedid, diminished and deadened.

15.17 Bounté, Virtue; alowed, prasied.

15.22 prime-temps, spring; distillith, exudes in droplets; greine, seed; good wil, good intention.

15.23 fructifieth, flourishes.

15.24 welwillyng, benevolent.

15.25 communiall, generous.

15.26-28 1 Corinthians 13[:4-5]. "Charity is patient, kind: charity envieth not, dealeth not perversely; is not puffed up; is not ambitious, seeketh not her own."


CHAPTER 16: NARCISSUS

16.5 bachelere, youth.

16.6 dispraise, contempt.

16.7 assottid, infatuated; dide, died.

16.9 overwenyng, over-confident; ouctrecuidez, excessively proud, vain.

16.10 defended, forbidden.

16.13 appliking, applying.

16.16 asschis, ashes.

16.18 harlotries, immoral acts; plonged, fallen.

16.19 condites of his bodye, bodily conduits (e.g., blood vessels).

16.20-21 Job [20:6-7]. "If his pride mount up even to heaven, and his head touch the clouds: in the end he shall be destroyed like a dunghill."


CHAPTER 17: ATHAMAS AND INO

17.5 sothen, boiled.

17.6 corrumped, corrupted.

17.6-7 prestis of the lawe, priests of the religion.

17.8 profited, prospered.

17.9 gentil, noble.

17.10 consentide, consented (to).

17.13 compleyne, appeal.

17.15 heres, hairs; fumerell, domed structure on a roof with holes for ventilation.

17.17 nerehande, nearly; wende, hoped.

17.19 keste, threw (the snakes).

17.20 slowe, slew.

17.22 diverse, hostile.

17.26 teynte, tainted.

17.29 distroubleth, impedes.

17.35-36 Ephesians 4[:26]. "Let not the sun go down upon your anger."


CHAPTER 18: AGLAUROS

18.8 avaunced, elevated (in rank).

18.9 enforcyng in envie, exertions due to jealousy.

18.11 lettid Mercurius, kept Mercury from.

18.12 suffre, allow.

18.13 corage, heart.

18.14 caas, circumstances.

18.18 spotte, moral blemish; gentilnes, noble character.

18.19 fardel, burden.

18.21 defendith, forbids.

18.24 evinli, equal.

18.26-27 Ecclesiasticus 14[:8]. "The eye of the envious is wicked; he turneth away his face."


CHAPTER 19: ULYSSES AND POLYPHEMUS

19.8 subtilté, craftiness.

19.10 wiles, tricks.

19.12 getynge, income; inconveniencis, misfortunes.

19.13 lacchesse, negligence.

19.14 dewe, appropriate.

19.20-21 Proverbs 21[:5]. "The thoughts of the industrious always bring forth abundance: but every sluggard will be in want."


CHAPTER 20: LATONA

20.7 conceived, impregnated.

20.8 travailed, exhausted; waisch, watering place, stream.

20.9 staunch, quench.

20.10 carles, churls.

20.11 a dronken of, have drunk from.

20.12-13 pité of, compassion for.
20.13 myschefe, predicament.

20.15 sithen, afterward.

20.17 communes, commoners; maistres, mistress.

20.18 drounyd, drowned.

20.22 outragiousli, excessively.

20.23 nobles, nobility.

20.29 hepid togidere, gathered together.

20.31-32 Ecclesiasticus 14[:9]. "The eye of the covetous man is insatiable in his portion of iniquity: he will not be satisfied."


CHAPTER 21: BACCHUS

21.8 unbehovely, unsuitable.

21.10 superfluytes, excesses; metis, foods.

21.12 kepe, protect.

21.13 maistrie, control.

21.15-16 Philippians 3[:19]. "Whose end is destruction; whose God is their belly; and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things."


CHAPTER 22: PYGMALION

22.5 subtil, skillful.

22.6 lewdenes, wickedness; dispreisid, disparaged.

22.9 subtilli, cunningly; ravysch, enrapture (delight).

22.10 wois, pains; clamoures, loud complaints; pitous, pitiable.

22.13 bronde, firebrand (torch).

22.15 sore, fervently.

22.21 lewde, unchaste.

22.22 pleyntes, lamentations.

22.25 at his wille, according to his desires.

22.27 assottid, infatuated.

22.29 It longith nothinge, It is in no way suitable.

22.30 nothing, anything; reprevede, condemned.

22.33 kepe, protect.

22.36-39 2 Peter 2[:13]. "Counting for a pleasure the delights: stains and spots, sporting themselves to excess, rioting in their feasts."


CHAPTER 23: DIANA

23.5 mone, moon.

23.15-16 "I believe in God the Father almighty, creator of heaven and earth."


CHAPTER 24: CERES

24.5 ere, plow (cultivate); gaineryes sewe, farmers sowed.

24.9 large, generous.

24.14 high, heavenly.

24.15-16 "And in Jesus Christ, his only son, our Lord."


CHAPTER 25: ISIS

25.5 graffis, grafts.

25.7 eschewe, shun.

25.8 inconveniencie, harmful consequence.

25.12 plantere, one who plants seeds.

25.13 bounteis, virtues.

25.16 "Who is conceived by the Holy Ghost, is born of the Virgin Mary."


CHAPTER 26: MIDAS

26.6 Oan, Pan; pasturis, shepherds; stroof, argued.

26.7 floyte, shepherd's pipe (pan flute).

26.11 greved, angered.

26.12 despite, disdain; rude, foolish.

26.13 folily, foolishly.

26.14 lewedly, foolishly.

26.17 lewde, ignorant.

26.18 defauty, faulty.

26.19 molle, mole.

26.23 streyned as an harpe, stretched like harp strings; gebet, gallows; briboure, thief.

26.24 spotte, moral blemish.

26.26-27 "He passed before Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried."


CHAPTER 27: HERCULES, PIRITHOUS, AND THESEUS

27.6 evill goon, gone disastrously.

27.7 a been, have been (see note).

27.8 affraide, frightened.

27.8-9 smote assonder, cut into pieces.
27.9 porterys, gatekeeper's.

27.17 "He descended into hell."


CHAPTER 28: CADMUS

28.6 lettred, educated.

28.7 connynge, wisdom; doutede, overcame.

28.9 travayle, hard work; stodiere, scholar; doute, overcome.

28.13 grounded, learned.

28.19-20 "On the third day, he rose from the dead."


CHAPTER 29: IO

29.12 comon womman, prostitute (loose woman).

29.15 scriptures, authoritative writings.

29.16 here, hear.

29.17 vaylable, beneficial; enforceth, exerts.

29.24-25 "He ascended to heaven and sat at the right hand of God, the Father almighty."


CHAPTER 30: MERCURY, ARGUS, AND IO

30.6 skye, cloud; with the deede, in the act.

30.9 geynesey, oppose; doute, fear.

30.10 yen, eyes.

30.12 ere, ear.

30.13 smote, struck.

30.16 wacchis, guards.

30.20 suffre, allow (himself).

30.21-22 Kepe you fro, Guard yourself against.

30.24 the olde enemye, the devil; mysbeleve of the feith, religious disbelief (heresy?).

30.26 quyk, living.

30.26-27 "Whence he will come to judge the living and the dead."


CHAPTER 31: PYRRHUS

31.6 scharpeli, ferociously.

31.8 mysdon to, done harm to.

31.10 therefore, for it.

31.13-14 "I believe in the Holy Spirit."


CHAPTER 32: CASSANDRA

32.6 devoute, pious (lady); lawe, religion.

32.8 lesynge, lyng; connynge, wise.

32.9 lewde, crude.

32.12 righte a loveable, truly a praiseworthy; halowe, honor.

32.14 singulere, special.

32.16-17 "One holy Catholic Church, the communion of saints."


CHAPTER 33: NEPTUNE

33.5 paynymes lawe, pagan religion.

33.9-10 socourable and helpely, helpful and beneficial.

33.11 besynessis, enterprises.

33.11-12 And that, Because.

33.13 noyse, believe.

33.18 "The remission of sins."


CHAPTER 34: ATROPOS

34.16 dome, judgment.

34.18 "The resurrection of the body and life everlasting."


CHAPTER 35: BELLEROPHON

35.6 hoote, passionately; requyred it, demanded love.

35.8 feers bestis, ferocious beasts; lust, desire; chese, choose.

35.18 dewe, appropriate; defended, forbidden.

35.19-20 Matthew 4[:10]. "The Lord thy God shalt thou adore, and Him only shalt thou serve."


CHAPTER 36: MEMNON

36.6 oppressid with, attacked by.

36.8 precis, crowds.

36.10 acomen, arrived.

36.14 felith, perceived.

36.20 gwerdon, repay.

36.22 for coloure of falsnes, by deceptive means.

36.23 abusion, deception (wicked deed).

36.25-26 Exodus 20[:7]. "The Lord will not hold him guiltless that shall take the name of the Lord his God in vain."


CHAPTER 37: LAOMEDON'S SPEECH

37.8 boistous, unmannerly (rude); voyde, expel.

37.9 voydid, departed; in hast, in a hurry.

37.11 standing, considering that.

37.12 sadli peysid, seriously weighed.

37.16 ovirhope, presumption.

37.17 breke, fail to honor.

37.18 Umbethinke thee, Remember; Saboath day, Sunday.

37.19 Juwes Sabaoth, Jew's Sabbath (Saturday).

37.20 cessing, stopping.

37.21 thraldom, manual labor (earthly pursuits?).

37.22 [Isaias 1:16-17]. "Cease to do perversely. Learn to do well." (see note)


CHAPTER 38: PYRAMUS AND THISBE

38.8 hauntyng, visiting.

38.9 accusid, revealed.

38.12 compleyntes, lamentations; preson dured, prison lasted; wex, grew.

38.14 crased, punctured.

38.15-16 pendant of hir girdell, hanging ornamented end of her belt.

38.18 assembles, meetings.

38.19 accorde, agreement.

38.20 withoute, outside.

38.21 wont, accustomed.

38.22 rudeli, fiercely.

38.23 leyde hire, laid herself down (hid herself).

38.24 wympil, headdress; moneschyne, moonlight.

38.26-27 out of mesure, excessively.
38.27 wende, assumed.

38.28 slowe, slew.

38.32 weymentacions, and swounyngis, lamentations, and faints.

38.34 wonte, accustomed; occasion, cause.

38.35 misaventurys, misfortunes.

38.37 dewe, sufficient.

38.38 in certeine, in certainty.

38.41 expoundith, explains.

38.43 necessitees, essential needs in life.

38.44-45 [Ecclesiasticus] 7[:29]. "Honor thy father, and forget not the groanings of thy mother." (see note)


CHAPTER 39: AESCULAPIUS

39.5 crafte of phesik, science of medicine.

39.6 his, Aesculapius's.

39.8 lechis and phisiciens, doctors and medical practitioners.

39.9 seeknessis, illnesses; charmys, magic spells.

39.10 defendid, forbidden.

39.12 brent, burned; reproved, condemned.

39.13 fordide, destroyed.

39.18 strokes, blows.

39.19 maistres of justice, legal officers.

39.21 ryght suffrith, justice permits; in his body defendant, in self-defense.

39.22-23 [Apocalypse] 13[:10]. "He that shall kill by the sword, must be killed by the sword." (see note)


CHAPTER 40: DEATH OF ACHILLES

40.8 trete of, discuss terms for.

40.11 Appolynys, Apollo's.

40.13 wacchis, schemes.

40.16 doute, fear.

40.18 avoutrie, adultery.

40.19 defautis, sins.

40.20 disordenat, immoderate; secrete membris, private body parts (genitals).

40.20-21 Leviticus 20[:10] "Let them be put to death, both the adulterer and the adulteress."


CHAPTER 41: BUSIRIS

41.6 them, his victims.

41.8 mankyndely nature, human nature.

41.9 bounté, virtue.

41.12 defence that we do, prohibition that we act.

41.13 unleifful, illegal.

41.14 raveine, robbery.

41.15 lordschip, power over.

41.16 Ephesians 4[:28]. "He that stole, let him now steal no more."


CHAPTER 42: LEANDER

42.5 hertili, fervently.

42.6 arme of the see, strait; maners, homes; passid, crossed.

42.8 because, so that.

42.11-12 possid with, tossed about.
42.12 perlyous wawes, perilous waves; pitously, lamentably.

42.13 fletyng, floating.

42.14 streyned, afflicted.

42.18 suffrid, endured; purviaunce, provision.

42.23 grucchinges, bakbitings, complaints, defamations.

42.24 dissymilacions, dishonesties.

42.25 despitith, despises; forsweryng him, perjuring himself.

42.27 disposed, inclined.


CHAPTER 43: HELEN OF TROY

43.5 ravisched, carried off; wan, when.

43.6 afore ere, before.

43.7 required, demanded.

43.13 to, until.

43.14 accordid, renconciled.

43.19-20 Matthew 5[:28]. "Whosoever shall look on a woman to lust after her, hath already committed adultery with her in his heart."


CHAPTER 44: AURORA

44.5 spring, dawn.

44.8 rejoiced, gladdened.

44.9 bewaylid, mourned.

44.10 afore othir, in front of others.

44.11 behavyng him graciosely, conducting himself benevolently.

44.17 will, desire.

44.18 raveyne, robbery.

44.19-20 [Psalms 61:11] "Trust not in iniquity; covet not robberies." (see note)


CHAPTER 45: PASIPHAË

45.6 dissolucion, licentiousness.

45.7 aqueynted, intimate.

45.9 scharpenes, fierceness.

45.13 standing, considering that.

45.14 lechecrafte of, the medical profession from; lerned, taught.

45.18 rightwisman, righteous man.

45.20 sorer, more severely; did aventure, put himself at risk.

45.22-24 Jeremias [36:3]. "They may return every man from his wicked way: and I will forgive their iniquity, and their sin." (see note)


CHAPTER 46: ADRASTUS

46.6 the toon, the one; the tothir, the other.

46.7 totheris, the other's.

46.10 smytyng, striking.

46.11 departid, separated; accordid, reconciled.

46.13 wurshipid, honored.

46.14 ryghte, rightful possession.

46.16 ooste, army.

46.17 disconfited and deed, defeated and dead.

46.19 lefte of all but, remained of all only.

46.24 expositour, interpreter.

46.25 swevenyng, prophetic dream.

46.28 felauschip him, associate himself.

46.33 [Psalms 118:47]. "I meditated on thy commandments, which I loved." (see note)


CHAPTER 47: CUPID

47.5 sittith not mych amys, is not too inappropriate.

47.7 kepe the mene wey, maintain the middle path; disportefull, pleasing.

47.17 bie, purchase.

47.19-21, 1 Peter 1[:18-19]. "You were not redeemed with corruptible things as gold or silver, but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb unspotted and undefiled."


CHAPTER 48: CORONIS AND PHOEBUS'S RAVEN

48.5 paramoures, passionately.

48.7 sori, upset.

48.8 sone, soon.

48.9 abood, waited; guerdon, reward.

48.10 fedris, feathers; wonte, accustomed.

48.15 avaunce him, hasten himself.

48.19 contrevour, prevaricator.

48.19-20 outhir . . . outhir, either . . . or.

48.22 wele, carefully.

48.23 cofre, treasure chest.

48.24-25 chambre of with-draughte, private chambers.

48.26 withdrawe, draw back from.

48.27 delectacions, pleasures.

48.28 foreine werkis, external undertakings; demurely, sedately; discreteli, prudently.

48.29 usscheris, ushers.

48.30 macis, ceremonial maces; prees, crowd.

48.34-35 Proverbs 4[:23]. "With watchfulness keep thy heart, because life issueth out from it."


CHAPTER 49: JUNO

49.6 longith mych bisines and travayle, much diligence and hard work are necessary.

49.7 standing, considering that.

49.11 lewedly, wrongfully.

49.12 voyde and deceybavill, empty and deceptive.

49.14 dispreise, disregard.

49.15 ligne, lineage.

49.19 oo bocche, one hump; bake, back.

49.22 or, before.

49.23-24 Matthew 19[:24]. "It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven."


CHAPTER 50: AMPHIARAUS

50.10 take no grete emprice, undertake no great enterprise.

50.11 do thereaftir, act accordingly.

50.15 take his refeccion bodily, partake of nourishment for the body.

50.18 wombe of mynde, belly of the mind (memory); seek, sick.

50.19 brokith not but castith alle oute, retains nothing but vomits everything out.

50.21-22 Matthew 4[:4]. "Not in bread alone doth man live, but in every word that proceedeth from the mouth of God."


CHAPTER 51: SATURN'S SPEECH

51.5 hevy and slowe, serious and deliberate.

51.10 sadnes, seriousness.

51.13 bothom, bottom; rothir, rudder.

51.14 arwe, arrow.

51.15 sclaundrous, defamatory.

51.16 smytith, strikes.

51.18-19 [Psalms 33:13-14]. "Who is the man that desireth life: who loveth to see good days? Keep thy tongue from evil, and thy lips from speaking guile." (see note)


CHAPTER 52: PHOEBUS'S RAVEN AND PALLAS'S CROW

52.6-8 he requyred him . . . . a liche case, see note.

52.7 disealowid, reproved.

52.9 Palles, Pallas's.

52.12 jangilloure, gossip.

52.14 valith not, does no good.

52.16 seege, seat.

52.17 disparbelid in, distracted by.

52.17-19 Proverbs 2[:10-11]. "If wisdom shall enter into thy heart, counsel shall keep thee, and rpudence shall preserve thee."


CHAPTER 53: GANYMEDE

53.7 reboundyng, bounding back.

53.10 inconveniencie, misfortune.

53.11 bisi, involved; ungraciose, unmannerly.

53.16 discrete, prudent.

53.17 scharpir, more rigorous; suffre, endure.

53.19 discrete, morally discerning person.

53.19-20 Proverbs 24:6. "Where [there are] many, work all things with counsel." (see note)


CHAPTER 54: JASON AND MEDEA

54.6 be the enorting, at the encouragement.

54.8 stronge, difficult.

54.10 couthe, knew.

54.11 sovereyne maistres, distinguished woman expert.

54.13 reserved, saved.

54.15 sovereyne, outstanding.

54.16 unknowing, ungrateful.

54.18 vileynose, unseemly; rekeles, thoughtless; yvil-knowing, ungrateful.

54.25 unknowing, ungratefulness.

54.26 leser, destroyer; lesing, destruction.

54.27 farith as nought, comes to nothing; the which, ingratitude.

54.28-29 Wisdom 16[:29]. "For the hope of the unthankful shall melt away as the winter's ice, and shall run off as unprofitable water."


CHAPTER 55: PERSEUS AND GORGON (MEDUSA)

55.11 because, so that.

55.11-12 smote off his, struck off her (sic).

55.13 greet bounté, goodness.

55.15 marchis, borderlands.

55.16 pulle hoolly, plunder entirely; marchauntys, merchants.

55.17 passeris forbi, travelers; streite, secure.

55.21 here, their.

55.22 wil, desire.

55.30 compunccioun, contrition.

55.31 distroieth ich of them othir, each of them destroys the other.

55.33-34 [Psalms 125:5]. "They that sow in tears shall reap in joy." (see note)


CHAPTER 56: MARS, VENUS, AND VULCAN

56.7 forthwith, immediately.

56.8 plite, state.

56.9 smyth, blacksmith.

56.10 for tho othere two, before those other gods (see note).

56.11 rioterys, wanton people.

56.12 ful fayne, very eagerly.

56.13 sovereynly, especially; subtilly, intelligently.

56.15 foryetilnes, carelessness.

56.16 unnethe, rarely.

56.17 schorte, shorten.

56.18 watches, plots.

56.20 seceth, ceases; aspie, discover.

56.21 corrumpe, corrupt.

56.23 likerousnes, excessive desire.

56.24 discutith, examines; commytteth affecions, arouses lusts.

56.25 enclyned and lighte, inclined and careless.

56.26-28 [1] Peter [5:8]. "Be sober and watch: because your adversary the devil, as a roaring lion, goeth about seeking whom he may devour." (see note)


CHAPTER 57: THAMARIS

57.6 hardines, martial boldness.

57.7 meved, moved (with military connotation).

57.10 meving of hir, military response from Thamaris; streite, narrow.

57.11 strong, rugged.

57.12 busschementis, ambushes.

57.13 brought so ferforth, overcome so strongly; deed, dead.

57.14 smyten, struck.

57.15 hedid, beheaded.

57.20 doute, worry; happe amys be, fare poorly by.

57.20-21 be sympiller, by someone more humble (or inferior); Dispreise, Disparage.

57.26 edifice, structure; reise ne dresse himsilf, raise or elevate itself (change).

57.27 foundement, foundation; and, if.

57.29-30 Ecclesiasticus 3[:20]. "The greater thou art, the more humble thyself in all things, and thou shalt find grace before God."


CHAPTER 58: MEDEA

3 Lines 1–3: Do not permit your wit to be encouraged toward foolish delights, nor your honor to be brought to them. If it is asked of you.

58.5 connyngist, wisest.

58.7 ate the, by her; lewde, foolish; suffrid hir, allowed herself.

58.8 maistried, overcome.

58.12 light corage, fickle character; meved with, aroused by.

58.14 propir, individual.

58.15 ceced, ceased.

58.18 emprideth, makes proud; dispoilleth, strips.

58.20 thraldom, spiritual tyranny.

58.20-22 Proverbs 29[:15]. "The rod and reproof give wisdom: but the child that is left to his own will bringeth his mother to shame."


CHAPTER 59: GALATEA AND ACIS

59.6 he was deede, see note; stature, condition.

59.7 lust, desired; aspied, spied on; bisily, diligently.

59.8 crevis of a roche, hollow in a rock.

59.10 dressid hir, went.

59.11 such, such a person.

59.13 goven, devoted.

59.17 noised, praised.

59.18 the everlasting terme, eternity.

59.19 Wisdom 5[:9]. "For [those things] are passed away like a shadow, and like a [messenger] that runneth on."


CHAPTER 60: DISCORD

60.8 praid, invited.

60.8-9 come not al for noughte, she did not come in vain.

60.10 boord, dinner table.

60.15 herdman, shepherd.

60.16 greet, pregnant.

60.17-18 wenyng to him . . . ben his sone, suggesting to Paris that he was the shepherd's son.

60.21 myschevis, misfortunes.

60.23 meve riotis, instigate violence.

60.26 lettingis, impediments to; strives, hostilities.

60.27 Sovereynly, Especially.

60.28 woodnes, madness.

60.29 sogette, subject.

60.30 Romans 13[:13]. "Not in contention and envy."


CHAPTER 61: LAOMEDON'S DEATH

61.6 voyde them, drive them away.

61.7 ran on, attacked.

61.8 he uncoverid and dispurveide, he being unprotected and unprepared.

61.9-10 kepe him weel, guard himself well.
61.10 sekir, sure; he, the injured party.

61.14 defaute, lack.

61.16 doom, judgment.

61.17 feire and softeli and a slow paas, carefully and gently and at a moderate pace.

61.18 recompence, deal out punishment; tarye, delay.

61.19-21 Joel [2:13]. "Turn to the Lord your God: for he is gracious and merciful, patient and rich in mercy, and ready to repent of the evil." (see note)


CHAPTER 62: SEMELE

62.5 paramours, passionately.

62.6 gelozie, jealousy.

62.7 reson, question.

62.8 knowliched, revealed; love of hir and of hir love, her love and about her lover.

62.8-9 to be wel-beloved . . . sche vauntid hir, she boasted herself to be dearly loved by and familiar (sexually) to Jupiter.

62.10 yit, yet.

62.12 required him, asked him.

62.13 vouchesaaf to halse, agree to embrace.

62.14 solace him, enjoy himself sexually.

62.15 the love of hir love, the love of her lover.

62.17 calle it agen, take it back; wist, knew.

62.19 brente, burnt.

62.22 inadvertance, carelessness.

62.24 afore er, before ever.

62.31 al-oonly, exclusively.

62.32 mankindeli freelnes, human moral weakness.

62.34-35 Titus 2[:7]. "In all things show thyself an example of good works."


CHAPTER 63: DIANA (HUNTING)

63.6 muse, idle time away.

63.8 inconveniencies, misfortunes.

63.12-13 Proverbs 31:[27]. "She hath looked well to the paths of her house, and hath not eaten her bread idle."


CHAPTER 64: ARACHNE

64.6 schaping, shaping (cloth?); of hir connyng, about her skill.

64.8 foli vauntyng, foolish bragging; yraigne, spider.

64.11 cecith, ceases.

64.12 vauntid them agens, compared themselves presumptuously with.

64.14 vauntour, braggart; abesse, degrade.

64.15 bounté, honor.

64.17 availe, benefit.

64.20 tourned, perverse.

64.21 dispitith, despises; verry witnes, true evidence.

64.21-22 propre conscience, his own conscientiousness.

64.22-23 Wisdom 5[:8]. "What hath pride profited you? Or what advantage hath the boasting of riches brought you?"


CHAPTER 65: ADONIS

65.5 joli, pleasant; paramours, passionately.

65.6 delited him, took pleasure; doutid, feared.

65.7 praid, entreated.

65.10 algatis, in any case; lete kepe him, let him protect himself.

65.12 enformed to, trained in.

65.16 perseveraunce, persistence (in sin).

65.18 bonde, enslaved.

65.19-20 Apocalypse 13[:7]. "Power was given to the beast over every tribe and people."


CHAPTER 66: FIRST DESTRUCTION OF TROY

66.8 voide, empty.

66.9 embuched, lying in ambush.

66.14 sesid, in possession of.

66.16 unsesid, bereft; armys, arms and armor.

66.17 dispoilid, stripped.

66.19-20 Luke 11[:21]. "A strong man armed keepeth his court."


CHAPTER 67: ORPHEUS'S MUSIC

67.5 couthe, knew how.

67.6 briddis, birds.

67.8 sowne, sound.

67.12 muse, find amusement.

67.14 bonde, in bondage.

67.19 prikkinges, incitements to sin.

67.20 hauntith not voluptuousenesses, does not practice sensual gratification; sterid, stirred.

67.22 [Psalms 101:8]. "I have watched, and am become as a sparrow all alone on the housetop." (see note)


CHAPTER 68: PARIS'S DREAM

68.5 ravisch, carry off.

68.8 lastid, extended.

68.9 Puille and Calabre, Apulia and Calabria.

68.11 confoundid, defeated.

68.13 avisiones, dream visions; bisines, difficulty.

68.19 spices, species; bolnyngis of arrogansis, acts of arrogance (lit: puffing up with arrogance).

68.20 noise, brag; goodnesse, prosperity.

68.21 wene wele, assume genuinely.

68.22 avaunte, boast.

68.25-26 Proverbs 8[:13]. "I hate arrogance, and pride, and a mouth with a double tongue."


CHAPTER 69: ACTAEON

69.5 gentil, noble.

69.8 wode, woods; to, until.

69.9 chaufed, heated.

69.10 lust, desire; feire, pleasant.

69.11 encirouned with, surrounded by.

69.13 the visage, Diana's face.

69.16 mowe vaunte thee, be able to boast.

69.18 mankindely, human.

69.19 sodein, sudden.

69.20 receyved, taken.

69.20-21 halowid with, hallooed by.

69.22 drawe doune, brought down.

69.23 fayne wold a cried, eagerly would have cried.

69.24 hidertoo, until now.

69.25 with his owne meyne, by his own entourage.

69.27 habandoneth him, surrenders himself.

69.29 kepe, support.

69.33 verry, truly.

69.34 wont, accustomed.

69.35 boonde, servant.

69.36 charge, burden.

69.40-41 Matthew 3[:2]. "Do penance: for the kingdom of heaven is at hand."


CHAPTER 70: ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE

70.6 disportynge, amusing themselves; medewe, meadow.

70.7 herde, shepherd.

70.8 a ravisschid, have raped.

70.11 hellyy paleis, infernal palace.

70.12 pitous, pitiable; turmentis, torments.

70.13 seecid, ceased; offices, authorities; besinesses, tasks.

70.18 to, until.

70.21 anoon as, as soon as.

70.33 exaunced, satisfied (see note).

70.36 exauncid, granted.

70.38-39 James 4[:3]. "You ask, and receive not; because you ask amiss."


CHAPTER 71: ACHILLES AND ULYSSES


71.6 hauntid armys, followed the military profession.

71.7 were, wear.

71.13 malice, trickery.

71.14 avised him of, deliberated with.

71.15 kercheves, kerchiefs; girdelis, belts; longing, appropriate.

71.16 kest, threw.

71.19 seesid, seized.

71.24 prove, test; afore er, before.

71.27 dewe, appropriate.

71.28 rightwisnes, justice.

71.31 standinge that, considering that; hire, reward.

71.32-33 2 Paralipomenon 15[:7]. "Take courage, and let not your hands be weakened: for there shall be a reward for your work."


CHAPTER 72: ATALANTA

72.6 dyverse, unfavorable.

72.9 over-ranne, outran.

72.10 strecche, catch up.

72.15 harde, brave.

72.21 lettid with, hindered by.

72.22 perlious, perilous.

72.24 lette, hinder.

72.25 dispite, despise.

72.26 1 John 2[:15]. "If any man love the world, the charity of the Father is not in him."


CHAPTER 73: THE JUDGMENT OF PARIS

73.12 departid, distributed.

73.13 verrily, truly; passe, surpass.

73.17 kepith scolis, oversees the disciplines; jolynesse, amorousness.

73.21 availe, benefit.

73.26 demene him, conduct himself.

73.29 Manytheiens, see note.

73.31 corage, intention.

73.34-35 Matthew 7[:1-2]. "Judge not, that you shall not be judged; for with what judgment you judge, you shall be judged."


CHAPTER 74: FORTUNE

74.7 ynough, plentiful.

74.9 disconfort him, become dejected.

74.10 engins, ruses, deceptions (see note).

74.13 Epituriens, Epicureans (see note).

74.14 perfitgh, perfect.

74.15 reverende, respected.

74.17-18 Isaias 3[:12]. "O my people, they that call thee blessed, the same deceive thee."


CHAPTER 75: PARIS, INEPT WARRIOR

75.6 cheventayne, commander; ost, army.

75.7 apte to, suited for (qualified for?).

75.8 constable, general.

75.12 drawen fro, withdrawn from.

75.13 of righte, truthfully.

75.14 travailith himsilf, exerts himself.

75.17 figurid, represented.

75.17-18 Luke 10[:42]. "She hath chosen theh best part, which shall not be taken away from her in eternity."


CHAPTER 76: CEPHALUS AND HIS WIFE

76.5 auncient, of ancient times.

76.9 aspie, lie in wait for.

76.10 supposed, suspected.

76.11 aspie, spy on.

76.16 gobet, mass.

76.19 longith not to him, are not suitable for him.

76.22 willes, trickery (wiles).

76.28 empechist thou, do you disparage.

76.29 considere, contemplate.

76.30-31 Matthew 7[:3]. "And why seest thou the mote that is in thy brother's eye; [and] seest not the beam that is in thy own eye?"


CHAPTER 77: HELENUS

77.7 ravysch, carry off.

77.13 excusacion, excuse; suffre, permit.

77.14 yolden, yielded.

77.15-17 1 Corinthians 10[:13]. "God [is] faithful, who will not suffer you to be tempted above that which you are able: but will make also with temptation issue, that you may be able to bear it."


CHAPTER 78: MORPHEUS

78.9 expositours, interpreters.

78.17 suffre, endure.

78.22 but yf, unless.

78.23 His heritage, inheritance (i.e., salvation).

78.24 testament, covenant with humankind.

78.25-26 [Ecclesiasticus 2:4]. "Take what shall be brought upon thee: and in sorrow endure, and in humiliation keep patience." (see note)


CHAPTER 79: CEYX AND ALCYONE

79.7-8 dide greetly hir bisines to meve him fro, did her utmost to dissuade.
79.8 bisily, earnestly.

79.9 suffre, permit.

79.10 algatis a goon, in any case have gone; stirte, dashed.

79.11 abide, remain.

79.12 anguishous, anxious.

79.14 kest, threw.

79.18 Alchiones, halcyons (kingfishers).

79.19 sikir, certain.

79.21 caas, misfortune.

79.26 empechid with, hindered by.

79.27 reporte him, refer.

79.28 from himsilf, out of his mind.

79.31 a purveid, have provided.

79.33-34 Proverbs 3[:21-22]. "Keep my law and counsel; and there shall be life to thy soul."


CHAPTER 80: TROILUS

80.8 wite, ascertain; whedir, whether.

80.9 or noon, or not; a chaunge, exchange (repayment for).

80.10 Thelomonaialles, see note; thraldom, servitude.

80.11 scriptures, writings.

80.17 full light, entirely insignificant.

80.22 helthe, salvation.

80.26-27 Wisdom 10[:8] "Regarding not wisdom, they did not only slip in this, that they were ignorant of good things, but they were also unto men a memorial of their folly."


CHAPTER 81: CALCHAS

81.5 soutil, clever.

81.6 with, learn.

81.11 distourbled, disturbed.

81.13 sutill, cunning; tresones, treasons; wylis, tricks.

81.16 unknowing, ignorant.

81.18 fraudelouse, deceptive.

81.19 souplid, mollified.

81.20 homlynes, intimacy.

81.21-22 2 Timothy 3[:2, 4]. "Men shall be covetous, haughty, proud, traitors, stubborn."


CHAPTER 82: HERMAPHRODITUS

82.6 liste, desire.

82.8 travayled, expended great effort; salewes, willows.

82.9 stanke, pond.

82.10 dide off, removed.

82.12 froward, unkind.

82.13 rudeli, violently; wynne, win (see note).

82.16 sectes, sexes.

82.17 sutil, clever.

82.19 nygromancye, sorcery.

82.20 delitable, delightful.

82.21 distincciones, classifications.

82.22 rude, uneducated; barke, shell (outer, superficial part).

82.23 sutile, refined (people); soketh, sucks; liquour, juice (essence).

82.24 daungere, reluctance.

82.28 recomfort, console.

82.29 afraied, disturbed; hevynes, sorrow.

82.30 cordith, reconciles.

82.32 redresse, relieve.

82.34 Isaias 35[:3] "Strengthen ye the feeble hands, and confirm the weak knees."


CHAPTER 83: ULYSSES'S GAMES

83.5 sutilté, clever.

83.6 fond, invented.

83.7 sojoure, respite.

83.9 dwe, appropriate; wele, rightly.

83.10 leeful, lawful.

83.14 yen, eyes.

83.15 lewedenes, wickedness.

83.17-18 John 5[:39]. "Search the scriptures, for you think to have life everlasting."


CHAPTER 84: CRISEYDE

84.5 queint, crafty.

84.15-16 light a corage, fickle a heart.

84.22 assaied, tested; overgoo, overcome.

84.25-26 2 Corinthians [10:17]. "He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord." (see note)


CHAPTER 85: PATROCLUS AND ACHILLES

85.8-9 he douted myche his, Achilles greatly feared Hector's.
85.9 he lefte never aftir to waite, afterwards he never ceased watching for.

85.10 discovered, unprotected; betraye, deceive.

85.11 nede, necessary.

85.17 suffre him, permit himself.

85.18 doute, fear.

85.19-20 werre in difference of, battle in distinction from.

85.21-22 Ephesians 6[:11]. "Put you on the armor of God, that you may be able to stand against the deceits of the devil."


CHAPTER 86: ECHO AND NARCISSUS

86.5 wonte, accustomed.

86.6 jangeler, chatterer; accusid, indicted.

86.10 him liste not, it pleased him not; have pité of, be compassionate toward.

86.12 onys, once.

86.13 prove, experience.

86.16 valeis, valleys.

86.18 requireth, needs.

86.19 abiden ynowe, a great number waiting.

86.22 lene, lend.

86.27 penurie, poverty.

86.28 wull be holpen of a sovereyne, wishes to be helped by a powerful person.

86.29 simpeler, more humble (person).

86.30-31 Proverbs 22[:9]. "He that is first to mercy shall be blessed."


CHAPTER 87: DAPHNE AND PHOEBUS

87.6 sore, fervently.

87.8 wele, truly.

87.10 lourere, laurel tree.

87.11 chapelet, wreath.

87.14 suwed, courted.

87.16 device, heraldic design.

87.27 sovereigne, supreme.

87.28 assistid to, helped toward; Leder, Ruler (i.e., God).

87.29 unscribeable, indescribably; suerte, certainty.

87.30 clennes, purity.

87.31 [Psalms 86.3]. "Glorious things are said of thee, O city of God." (see note)


CHAPTER 88: ANDROMACHE

88.10 dispreise, disregard.

88.11 wel condicioned, of good character.

88.12 litil, low in status.

88.18 admonestith, encourages.

88.21 chaf, sinfulness (figurative usage).

88.21-22 inspirith but broileth it, (see note).
88.22 sutil circumspeccion, penetrating (careful) consideration.

88.23 [1 Thessalonians 5:19]. "Extinguish not the spirit." (see note)


CHAPTER 89: BABYLON

89.8 purveyied of, supplied with.

89.9 behoveth, are needed; dewe, sufficient.

89.14 lewde, foolish; name, declare; sure, secure.

89.15 wene, expect; bitingis, afflictions.

89.17 envyroned with flawmes, surrounded by flames.

89.17-18 lightli delyverid withoute brennynge, easily rescued without burning.

89.20 [Psalms 117:8]. "It is good to confide in the Lord, rather than to have confidence in man." (see note)


CHAPTER 90: HECTOR'S DEATH

90.6 compleyntis, lamentations.

90.7 suffre, allow.

90.10 he, Hector; stale, stealthily departed; sterte, hastened.

90.11 a wey undir erthe, an underground passage.

90.18 oure, hour.

90.19 mankyndeli thingis, human concerns.

90.22 in the myd-wes, en route.

90.23 [Ecclesiasticus 14:12]. "Remember that death will not delay." (see note)


CHAPTER 91: HECTOR'S ARMS

91.8 sette to shotte, prepared to shoot.

91.10 cloos, close; voyde, wandering.

91.11 departith, divides.

91.12 jogeloure, jester.

91.13 vagaunt, wandering.

91.15-16 [Matthew 6:6]. "Having shut the door, pray to thy Father." (see note)


CHAPTER 92: POLIBETES
 
4 Lines 1-2: Covet not too hastily the arms of Polyboetes, for they are cursed

92.5 slowe, killed.

92.9 discoverte, smote, unprotected, struck; benethe for faute of his armure, from below for his lack of protective armor.

92.12 noyous, harmful.

92.13 Disordinat, Excessive.

92.16 staunchid, put out.

92.19 tenteth, plans.

92.21 wexeth₁, grows.

92.22 goostly, spiritual.

92.23 1 Timothy 6[:10]. "The desire of money is the root of all evils."


CHAPTER 93: ACHILLES AND POLYXENA
 
93.6-7 service of Hectoris yeris mynde, commemorative service held a year after Hector's death.
93.7 trewes, truce.

93.8 tierment, memorial service.

93.12 aftir or, see note.

93.16 standing, considering.

93.20 be ferre, from foreign.

93.24 determyned, ended.

93.27 levir, rather.

93.29 1 John 2[:15]. "Love not the world, nor the things which are in the world."


CHAPTER 94: AJAX

94.6 of his hande, of fighting ability; sollennes, arrogance.

94.7 discoverid, unprotected; borne through, pierced.

94.11 leve, believe.

94.16 suffrith, endures.

94.17 witte, intellectual ability.

94.19-20 2 Corinthians 3[:4-5]. "Such confidence we have, through Christ, towards God; not that we are sufficient to think any thing of ourselves, as of ourselves."


CHAPTER 95: ANTENOR

95.8 tising, efforts.

95.9 confortid, incited.

95.10 mene, means; goven wey, let pass.

95.12 semblable, similar.

95.16 inconveniencye, misfortune.

95.17 besy, diligent.

95.19 brenneth, burns.

95.20 glewe, birdlime (trap).

95.22 reneye, forsake.

95.22-23 Proverbs 4[:15]. "Flee from the way of evil men, pass not by it."


CHAPTER 96: THE TROJAN HORSE

96.5 feint, feigned.

96.6 avowed, made a vow; wolde offre, wanted to offer.

96.12 fantesies, lies.

96.13 doute, fear; spies, treacheries.

96.15-16 sholde not a been offred but preier, nothing should have been offered except prayer.

96.17 bapteme, baptism.

96.18 vayle, be of use; withoute the lappe, outside of the bosom (i.e., community).

96.19 [Psalms 21:26]. "With thee is my praise in a great church." (see note)


CHAPTER 97: ILIUM

97.5 maister dongeon, main fortress.

97.11 periloser, more dangerous.

97.12 wene, expect.

97.14 sure, dependable.

97.17 wombe, belly.

97.19-20 Apocalypse 18[:7]. "As much as she hath glorified herself, and lived in delicacies, so much torment and sorrow giveye to her."


CHAPTER 98: CIRCE

98.7 wende to a, thought to have.

98.8 parlious, perilous.

98.9 haven, harbor.

98.10 wite, learn; suerly take haven, safely enter the harbor.

98.11 ordeyne, ready; potage, drink.

98.15 vileynes, villainous.

98.16 erraunt, in search of adventure; suwing armes, practicing chivalry.

98.17 noyous, harmful.

98.18 sojourne, stay (remain inactive).

98.19 sojournyng, resting place (state of inactivity).

98.20 alowed, praised.

98.23 fraudelous, deceptive.

98.24 verry, true.

98.25-27 Matthew 23[:27]. "Woe to you, hypocrites; because you are like to whited sepulchres, which outwardly appear to men beautiful, but within are full of dead men's bones."


CHAPTER 99: INO

99.6 good resones and wele sette, good and firmly established reasons.

99.13 Degrees, Stages.

99.14-15 for nought thoo . . . freel and ignoraunte, ineffectively those people declare themselves innocent due to weakness or ignorance, considering that those who sin most freely are willfully weak and ignorant.

99.16 outhir, either; conne, know.

99.18-19 1 Corinthians 14[:38]. "If any man know not, he shall not be known."


CHAPTER 100: THE CUMAEAN SIBYL AND AUGUSTUS CAESAR

100.7 pesibilly, peacefully; lewde, ignorant; mysbelevers, pagans.

100.11 to be well . . . to be worshipid, to be very mindful that he not let himself be worshiped.

100.13 withoute, outside.

100.15 verry, true.

100.17 the beleve of, the Christian faith.

100.18 auctorité, authoritative statement.

100.24 dispisith, despises.

100.25 seekith indifferently, searches impartially.

100.26 defaute, lack.

100.27 can, knows.

100.28-29 Ecclesiasticus [3:31]. "A good ear will hear wisdom with all desire." (see note)

ABBREVIATIONS: A: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 848; AI (Mombello’s AI₁): Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 604; Assembly: Assembly of Gods, ed. Chance; B: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 606; B₁: London, British Library, MS Harley 4431; BI: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud misc. 570; BI₂: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, naf. 6458 (used to gauge whether any alterations in BI are unique); CA: Gower, Confessio Amantis, ed. Peck; CFW: Boccaccio, Concerning Famous Women, trans. Guarino; CLO: Christine de Pizan’s Letter of Othea to Hector, ed. and trans. Chance; CT: Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, ed. Benson; CV: Chapelet des vertus, in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 572; D: London, British Library, MS Harley 219; DI: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 1187; DI₇: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, naf. 10059; Dicts: Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, ed. Bühler; DMF: Dictionnaire du Moyen Français (1330–1500); EA: Evrart de Conty, Le Livre des eschez amoureuz moralisés, ed. Guichard-Tesson and Roy; Epistle: Scrope, Epistle of Othea, ed. Bühler; FA: Machaut, The Fountain of Love (La Fonteinne amoureuse) and Two Other Dream Vision Poems, ed. and trans. Palmer; FP: Lydgate, Fall of Princes, ed. Bergen; GD: Boccaccio, Genealogie deorum gentilium libri, ed. Romano; GDE: Boccaccio, Geneology of the Pagan Gods, trans. Solomon; Gordon: The Epistle of Othea to Hector: A ‘Lytil Bibell of Knughthod’, ed. Gordon; HA1: Histoire Ancienne, in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 301; HA2: Histoire Ancienne, in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fr. 246; HF: Chaucer, House of Fame, ed. Benson; L: Warminster, Longleat House, MS 253; Larke: Boke of Wysdome, trans. Larke (1532); LGW: Chaucer, Legend of Good Women, ed. Benson; M: New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M.775; ME: Middle English; MED: Middle English Dictionary; MF: Manipulus florum (1493, cited by entry name, followed by the quire letter, folio number, recto or verso page, and the column a or b); MP: Lydgate, Minor Poems, ed. MacCracken; OED: Oxford English Dictionary; OF: Old French; OFD: Old French-English Dictionary, ed. Hindley, Langley, and Levy; OLH: Christine de Pizan, Othea’s Letter to Hector, ed. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards; OM: Ovide moralisé, ed. de Boer; Parussa: Christine de Pizan, Epistre Othea, ed. Parussa; RM: Pierre Bersuire, Reductorium morale, liber XV, in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, lat. 16787 RR: Romance of the Rose, trans. Dahlberg; RT: Benoît de Sainte-Maure, Le Roman de Troie, ed. Constans; S: Cambridge, St. John’s College, MS H.5 [base manuscript]; TB: Lydgate, Troy Book, ed. Bergen; TC: Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde, ed. Benson; TDP: Guillaume de Tignonville, Les Ditz moraulx des philosophes, ed. Eder; TM: Mombello, La Tradizione manoscritta dell’ Epistre Othea di Christine de Pizan; Warner: Scrope, The Epistle of Othea to Hector or The Boke of Knyghthode, ed. Warner; Whiting: Whiting, Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases.

NB: Families of consulted manuscripts are referenced with A/AI, B/BI (B, B₁, and BI), and D/DI (D, DI, DI₇). Other manuscripts, like BI2, are cited occasionally to provide more detailed information.

These explanatory notes identify sources for the narrative, moral, and Scriptural content; consider their adaptation in Christine’s Othea and the Middle English translations; and evaluate the English authors’ practices as they translate from French into Middle English. An additional important purpose of these notes is to highlight the English authors’ markedly different French source manuscripts (with sources in the B/BI manuscript family for Scrope and the D/DI for the Bibell), so many of the explanatory notes focus on discrepancies between manuscripts of Christine’s French Othea and these two ME texts. These highlight each translator’s innovations, editing choices, and glosses or interpretations for readers. It is my hope that these notes will help my readers appreciate both the content that the two works share and the ways that the translators diverge in their varying approaches to poetics, translation, and the wise counsel from Othea and Christine that they shape afresh for English audiences.

I have been greatly aided in the compilation of sources and analogues by the work of prior scholars and editors, especially Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Earl Jeffrey Richards, and Cheryl Lemmens; Gianni Mombello; Gabriella Parussa; Curt F. Bühler; and P. G. C. Campbell. However, I have consistently added or corrected information such as folio numbers (e.g., Parussa cites older foliation for the Chapelet des vertus), additional line numbers, typos, and similar minor adjustments.

In addition, I have provided citations of John Larke’s Boke of Wisdom (1532), an English translation of Christine’s source, the Chapelet des vertus, for student reference; for another source, Boccaccio’s Genealogie deorum gentilium libri [Book of the Genealogy of Pagan Gods], I have provided citations of Jon Solomon’s recent facing-page modern English translation, where available (with recourse to Vincenzo Romano’s earlier, Latin edition, because Solomon’s final volume is still forthcoming). Unless otherwise noted, translations from French are mine.

At times, Christine modifies her citations from philosophers and Church Fathers; the attributions below direct the reader to Christine’s basic source, and I recommend Lemmens and Bühler for more detail on the original statements, as well as the The Electronic Manipulus florum Project, which provides original sources (“Fons primus”) for quotations misattributed in the Manipulus florum. Citations of Scripture derive from the Vulgate Bible.

For readers interested in the mythographical background to the Othea, many of the exemplars also appear in Boccaccio’s De mulieribus claris [Concerning Famous Women] and Christine de Pizan’s Livre de la Cité des Dames [Book of the City of Ladies], which may be useful resources. I have primarily cited these texts only when they present a plausible source or variant reading. All chapter titles are editorial and identify the exemplar(s) and/or narrative content to help readers distinguish chapters, especially when the same classical figures appear multiple times. Where possible, I follow modern English common spellings of names of classical figures.


PREFACE TO FASTOLF

L is the only manuscript to contain the Preface, which is why the orthography of the Preface is different from that of our edited main text, which is based on S; S and L have substantial orthographical and dialectal differences (Bühler, Epistle, p. xxix, calls L’s orthography “atrocious”). S and M both contain versions of the Prologue instead of the Preface. Warner ascribes the inscription “The Booke of Knyghthode” to “a somewhat later hand” (Warner, p. xxv).

On Scrope’s relationship with his stepfather Fastolf, his dedicatee, see Hughes, “Stephen Scrope and the Circle of Sir John Fastolf,” pp. 110–13; and Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 100–05.

8 sixti yeeres. This number refers to the age of Scrope’s dedicatee, his stepfather Sir John Fastolf. The suggestion is that now that Fastolf has completed many chivalric deeds and is aging, his attentions should turn towards spiritual matters.

17 yowre most humble son Stevyn. This authorial self-identification, plus the information about his dedicatee’s actions in chivalry in Pref.1–21, allow for the identification of the translator as Stephen Scrope, writing for his stepfather John Fastolf (Warner, pp. xxv–xxix). Hughes, “Stephen Scrope and the Circle of Sir John Fastolf,” provides an account of the men’s fraught relationship and notes that Fastolf’s military history would have included the campaign in France during which the Duke of Bedford purchased the French royal library, which is likely when Fastolf obtained French books for his own library, including the French copy of the Othea (at p. 130). See also Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 100–05.

29 translate oute of French tong. Scrope completed at least one other translation, the Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, ed. Bühler, which translates one of Christine’s French sources, the TDP. Robert Raymo and Elaine E. Whitaker, eds., The Mirroure of the Worlde, pp. 18–26, argue that linguistic evidence and shared vocabulary indicate that Scrope likely translated that text, too; additionally, Fox, “Stephen Scrope, Jacques Legrand,” has speculated that Scrope translated the Livre de bonnes moeurs [Book of Good Manners].

30-31 Book of Knyghthode . . . policie governaunce. Scrope’s phrases “Book of Knyghthode” or “Boke of Chevallry” (Pref.41) are sometimes used as titles for his translation; they also show that, although he elsewhere refers to the book as “Othea-is Pistell” (Prol.36), he markets the work to Fastolf primarily as a “chivalric” manual. It is important to note, however, that he recognizes and participates in the late medieval movement that redefined chivalry as moral and spiritual virtues (not simply physical acts of martial prowess), thus opening up “chivalry” to include social ideals that could be practiced by any member of society (not just able-bodied men). For more on this redefinition, see Kipling, Triumph of Honour, pp. 11–30, 169–72, and Summit, Lost Property, pp. 72–74.

31 policie governaunce. This term exemplifies how mirrors for princes straddle the line between political advice and more general conduct manual: it could have an explicitly political sense, as “political government,” or a more personal sense, as “prudent self-governance.”

32-38 four Cardinal Vertous . . . kepyng. Scrope’s formulation of the Cardinal Virtues mirrors Christine’s interconnected list in Chapters 1–4 and her culmination of all four in the good knightly reputation of Chapter 5, but he reorders the virtues, perhaps suggesting his prioritization of them: Justice, Prudence, Fortitude, and Temperance.

44 victories dedys. Both Warner and Bühler emend here, presuming that these terms both were nouns, requiring an “and” between them to make grammatical sense. However, “victories” is also an adjectival spelling, and I interpret here and Pref.57 and Pref.65 (where the sentence grammar more clearly calls for an adjective) as indicating “victorious deeds.”

49-51 fulle wyse gentylwoman . . . Universyté of Paris. On Scrope’s representation of Christine in the Preface, see Mahoney, “Middle English Regenderings,” pp. 407–09; Chance, “Gender Subversion,” pp. 167–69; Summit, Lost Property, pp. 73–74; and Warren, Women of God and Arms, pp. 72–74; but see also Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 158–59.

In short, Scrope casts Christine in the role of patron, rather than author, ascribing authorship instead to learned men. For this turn, he has received much criticism as a misogynist (see, for example, Chance, Mahoney), but it is possible that he willfully misunderstood the portrait of Christine presenting her work to her royal dedicatee (which appears in BI, produced from the same source as Scrope’s translation) and her statement in her Prologue to the Duke of Berry that she compiled the book (Parussa, p. 505, line 35). I have argued elsewhere that much of the misogyny attributed to him may come from such willful misunderstandings and also from hasty or negligent translation practices (Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 158–59, and Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language”). Finke, “Politics of the Canon,” pp. 27–31, also suggests that Scrope is less misogynist than modern readers assume. Coldiron, English Printing, pp. 21–68, has made a similar case for Early Modern printers and translators.

52-55 Jon . . . an hundred yeerys. John, Duke of Berry (November 30, 1340 – June 15, 1416), was the brother to King Charles V of France, a regent for Charles VI, and a powerful figure among the French aristocracy. He actually died at 75, but Scrope may be linking 100 years to the Othea’s 100 chapters. Scrope’s source manuscript contained Christine’s dedication to the Duke of Berry, but Scrope embellishes to create the Duke as a near-perfect leader, presumably thanks to following the advice of the text Scrope has translated.

64-66 Wych schewyth . . . wurchip exercysyng. Here Scrope makes explicit that in the foregoing lines, he establishes John, Duke of Berry, as both a military and spiritual exemplar for his reader (i.e., Fastolf); by the same token, he also places himself in the position of advisor that he imagined for Christine (for more on this topic, see Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 158–61).

66-80 thre partys gederid in a summe . . . . othyr holy doctorus. Here Scrope describes his text (and Christine’s) as a “summe,” from the Latin term summa used to indicate an exhaustive treatise. It was common for medieval writers to excerpt, synthesize, and moralize the wisdom in Classical and Scriptural sources. Scrope identifies the three main sources: classical poetry, ancient philosophers, and Christian moralizations supported by the words of Scriptural authorities and the Bible.

On the design of Christine’s chapters (replicated by both translators), see Tuve, Allegorical Imagery, pp. 38–39; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 188–93; and Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 56–64.

72 Salomon. Given its placement among prominent philosophers, this term most likely refers to Solon (ca. 630–ca. 560 BCE), an Athenian statesman and one of the “seven sages,” Greek philosophers and statesmen renowned for their wisdom; scribal conflation of Solomon and Solon was not uncommon.

79-80 the Holy Ewaungelistes and Epistollys. These terms specify the frequently cited portions of the Bible: the Gospels and the apostolic letters of the New Testament.


PROLOUGE OF THE PISTELL OTHEA

Although Scrope’s dedication to his stepfather Fastolf is in prose (the Preface), he adopts a more formal style when he dedicates the work to others: he imitates Christine’s Prologue and her verse form of rhyming couplets (which he also follows in the Textes of each subsequent chapter). Scrope does not seem to have intended a specific meter, though some of the variance of the syllables in his lines may owe to scribal or dialectal spellings; throughout the Prolouge and translated verses in the main text, lines vary on average from 9–12 syllables, and rhyming couplets do not always share the same meter. I have suggested elsewhere that Scrope struggled with Christine’s complex verses and may have been more comfortable in prose (Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language,” p. 107).

S alone contains the entire Prologue; M begins acephalously at Prol.42. L lacks a translation of Christine’s prologue and substitutes Scrope’s Preface instead. The BI Prologue Scrope translates is significantly different from the one in B₁; among other things, it contains fewer details of Christine’s biography. For transcriptions of the dedications, see Parussa, pp. 500–09.

1 S contains a full-color presentation portrait, which scholars have attributed to William Abell, that depicts presumably Scrope kneeling to present his book to a seated nobleman, presumably Humphrey Stafford, the Duke of Buckingham. See Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 105–06, and Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” p. 351. Initially, all six of the images were attributed to Abell, but now only this one is, with the others (in Chapter 1–5) considered perhaps collaborations or attributed to the “Abingdon Master” (Scott, Later Gothic Manuscripts, 2:264–65; Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 107–08; and Drimmer, Art of Allusion, pp. 29–33). To view digital images, see St. John’s College, Special Collections: https://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/ manuscripts/medieval_manuscripts/medman/A/Web%20images/Buckingham. htm.

M likely would have had a presentation portrait, but the first folio has been removed, and the text now begins acephelously; the images of Temperance and Perseus rescuing Andromeda have also been removed. Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” pp. 355–58, theorizes that the manuscripts eventual owner, Sir John Astley, may have removed the images of women to better suit his interests in martial, masculine content. The images in M are attributed to the “Wingfield Master” (see Scott, Later Gothic Manuscripts, 2:291).

L has blank spaces for a presentation portrait and decoration in the first five chapters; this decoration was never begun.

7 Homfray. Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham (1402–1460); nevertheless, Scrope mirrors Christine’s praise for the Duke of Berry, found in BI, except for small alterations tailored for Humphrey in lines 7–10. Therefore, the Prologue’s statements should not be taken to refer necessarily to a specific relationship between Scrope and Humphrey; see Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” pp. 350–51, who notes that the lines for Humphrey are written in a second hand, over an erasure that conceals the identity of the original dedicatee.

17-19 I had doon . . . . I am to do. “I would have done so [presented you with this book] before now, except misspent time hindered me, but now I am the more brave to do it.” One wonders if Scrope’s “misspent time” refers obliquely to his efforts presenting the translation first to his stepfather Fastolf, from whom he seems to have received little appreciation (on Scrope’s troubles finding an appreciative audience for the L and S manuscripts, see Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” especially pp. 350–51).

36 Othea-is. Genitive constructions are somewhat confusing in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century English since the residual -s from earlier inflected constructions was too easily confused with a plural form. Some scribes deemed the -s to be an elision of the possessive pronoun “his,” thus “Othea-is”, rather than “Othea’s” (the later form), was deemed to be a contraction of “Othea his.” Compare 29.7.

42, 45, 50 Scrope removes Christine’s name, her reference to her “feminin sens” [feminine wisdom], and her reference to her father (compare Parussa, p. 506, lines 42, 45, 50). These are the only autobiographical references in the BI Prologue. See also Mahoney, “Middle English Regenderings,” pp. 407–09.

52 crommes. Christine uses the metaphor of gathering crumbs left by her authoritative predecessors as part of the larger modesty topos that characterizes the Prologue, in which she (and Scrope after her) laments her lack of wisdom and abilities. Modesty topoi, which superficially deny a writer’s authority (a lack typically disproved by the work that follows), were conventional in the Middle Ages, and both men and women writers employed them. See Curtius, European Literature, trans. Trask, pp. 83–85.


CHAPTER 1

1 S and M contain portraits of Othea, partially emerging from the sky, handing her letter to a kneeling Hector (a reversal of the image of the presentation portrait, in which the humble author kneels to present his letter to a noble recipient). In both manuscripts, to the left, three courtiers look on, and in the bottom right, there is a sable shield with two gold lions rampant; this broadly imitates the BI manuscript image, which has the same arrangement of figures but a red shield with single lion rampant holding an ax instead. On these images in S and M, see Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 97, 113, 116–17; and Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” pp. 351–54 and 356.

S also features a marginal attempt to imitate one of the male figures behind Hector. Drimmer, Art of Allusion, p. 26 and p. 236n29, and personal correspondence, indicates that similar marginal images can be authorial instructions to the illuminator but that such instructions do not appear in fifteenth-century English manuscripts; this and the marginal image next to Temperance are more likely to be the artistic equivalent of pen-trials. To view digital images from S, M, and BI, see St. John’s College, Special Collections: https://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/manuscripts/medieval_m anuscripts/medman/A/Web%20images/othea.htm; Pierpont Morgan Library and Museum, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts: http://ica.themorgan.org/ manuscript/page/7/158842; and the Digital Bodleian, Western Medieval Manuscripts: https://digital.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/inquire/p/79ff34c1-a3fc-45df-9fcd- 491c7cde169a.

Othea. There is no classical source for Christine’s invention Othea, the goddess of prudence. Her name may come from the Greek invocation “O, thea,” Greek for “O goddess” (Hindman, Painting and Politics, p. 23; but for doubts, see OLH, p. 36n11). On Christine’s view of prudence (one of the four Cardinal Virtues) as a practical, spiritual, and political virtue, see Green, “Christine as a Philosopher,” pp. 120–30; Forhan, Political Theory, pp. 100–08; and Adams, Fight for France, pp. 73–78.

In English literature influenced by the Othea, Lydgate invokes Othea as goddess of prudence to aid his project (he asks her to inspire Clio to be his muse) in TB Prol.38–40; the Assembly refers to Othea as the keeper of the fortress of worldly wisdom and “chyef grounde of polycy, / Rewler of knyghthode, of prudence the goddesse” (lines 304–05), and she offers various advice (in place of Chance’s “polyty” I have substituted the manuscript reading from Cambridge, Trinity College MS R 3.19, which reads “polycy,” as do other extant copies).

3 Hector. Hector was the son of King Priam and Queen Hecuba of Troy, and medieval thinkers listed him among the Nine Worthies, exemplary knights and rulers from the pagan, biblical, and historical traditions. As such, he is a suitable model for any aristocratic reader, and one with a particular resonance for French royalty, since Christine traced their lineage to Hector’s son Francio; Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 34–51, proposes Othea and Hector as models of wisdom and kingship. English aristocracy also embraced a Trojan lineage, but through Aeneas’s great-grandson Brutus instead.

5-7 son of Mars . . . . Mynerve. Othea gives Hector a symbolic lineage as the son of Mars and Minerva to stress his martial prowess. See also Chapters 11, 13, and 14.

17-18 in olde age . . . . in this first age. Scrope subtly shifts Christine’s reference to Hector’s youthful prowess by wishing that his reputation be preserved specifically into old age (Parussa, 1.29, simply says “en tous temps” [at all times]). This could be a personal reminder to Scrope’s aging stepfather Fastolf — voiced by Othea — that Fastolf must continue to act prudently to retain a favorable reputation. The fact that Christine’s son was approximately the same age as Hector (fifteen, according to the Latin incipit) prompted some scholars to consider the Othea as a courtesy manual with him in mind, but Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 21–60, definitively identifies it as a mirror for princes designed from the outset as a manual for members of the French aristocracy.

24 alle good hertis. Although B₁ records “ton bon cuer” [your good heart], Scrope’s source, like BI, clearly read “tout bon cuer” [all good heart(s)].

27 Pegasus. The mythological winged horse is associated with Mt. Helicon and the Muses (stamping his hoof created the fountain Hippocrene, sacred to the Muses), so he may function for Christine as a symbol of learning. Pegasus will take on further meaning in Chapter 5, where he represents renown that the good knight must acquire and master (Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 62), arguably as a result of becoming wiser.

For Scrope’s “the named Pegasus,” the expected French reading is “C’est Pegasus le renommé” [it is Pegasus, the renowned] (see Parussa, 1.40).

28 loveris. Scrope’s translation is puzzling; there is no known association of Pegasus with lovers, and Christine’s original term is “vaillans” [valiant men] (Parussa, 1.41).

42-45 I am . . . . hevyn unto. Christine’s Othea presents herself as a teacher and counselor (Parussa, 1.55–58). Scrope follows Christine, including her reference to the raised seat or throne that an authority figure — such as a ruler, judge, or professor — would occupy (Parussa, 1.57; see also MED, chaiere [n.], sense 3).

50-55 And if thou . . . . spirit of prophecee. Othea’s power of prophecy allows her to inform Hector of future events, including the Fall of Troy and his own death. These lines assure him that the narratives she reveals will happen, so he must remember her counsel; in theory, her advice could enable Hector to redirect the course of history. See Noakes, Timely Reading, pp. 126–29; Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, and Visuality, pp. 214–16.

59 wisedome of man or womman. Christine’s original refers only to the wisdom of woman; Scrope inserts “man.” L offers an alternative conjunction: “man and woman.”

A common theme throughout Christine’s career is women’s wisdom, and Othea is a primary example, though many chapters present positive images of women, their wisdom, and their abilities. See, for example, Reno, “Feminist Aspects”; Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 129–38; Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 52–88; Chance, “Christine’s Minerva;” and Kellogg, “Chivalric Mythographer,” pp. 114–18.

Regarding the English translations, most discussions of gender are limited to Scrope’s preface and his presentation of Christine as patron rather than author; see Summit, Lost Property, pp. 73–74; Warren, Women of God and Arms, pp. 58–86; Mahoney, “Middle English Regenderings,” pp. 407–09; and Chance, “Gender Subversion,” p. 168; but see also Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 139–91.

60-67 as ancient pepill . . . . may be made. Christine rationalizes the supposed deity of Othea (and therefore all of the other gods and goddesses) as a mistake of pagan ignorance. Such euhemerism occurs not only in Christine’s Othea but also in her source the Ovide moralisé and other medieval treatments of classical narratives. See Chance, Medieval Mythography, 1:1–7; and Gray, “‘A Fulle Wyse Gentyl-Woman.’” In positing a historical existence for Othea, Christine creates a classical precedent for wise women advisors.

74 Galathé. As Parussa, p. 385n1d, notes, Hector’s horse Galathée appears in both the HA2 and Benoît de Sainte-Maure’s Roman de Troie, as a gift from a fairy named either Morgan or Orva (RT, lines 8023–33 and 8024n; for English, see Roman de Troie, trans. Burgess and Kelly, p. 141). The horse should not be confused with the nymph Galatea (Chapter 59).

75 good man. Scrope supplies the noun; his exemplar, like BI, AI, B/B1, and D, would have read “bon” [good], instead of “bon chevalier” [good knight], the reading of A and DI.

78 four Cardinall Vertues. The first four chapters exemplify the four Cardinal Virtues: Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, and Justice. On the role of these virtues (plus Chapter 5, Fame) as political ideals and Christine’s innovative gendering of the virtues, see Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 51–55; Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 56–64; and Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, p. 148; see also Tuve, “Virtues and Vices,” on the cardinal virtues in a treatise that accompanies the Othea in BI. On the subject more broadly, see Bejczy, Cardinal Virtues.

88-103 For to bring . . . . this present ditee. This is Christine’s introduction to the allegorie, which explains the process by which the Othea generates a spiritual, Christian, and moral meaning from pagan narratives. It also clarifies how the practice of chivalric virtues can be deemed a “goostli knyghthood” (Scrope 1.101; Bibell “gostly chivalry” at 1.103), or spiritual form of knighthood. Much of Christine’s content derives from the CV, including the description of Prudence as the mother and primary guide of all virtues (CV, fol. 77v; Larke, fols. 3r–v). See Parussa, pp. 385–86n1f, for relevant CV passages (note that Parussa’s edition cites the old folio numbers for BNF fr. 572); and Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” especially pp. 198–99.

88-89 For to bring . . . this wrecchid worlde. S and L, like B, B₁, and BI, present this sentence offset as a separate paragraph before the explanation proper begins; M lacks the folio that would have contained this text.

96 beauté. Scrope mistranslates “beatitude” [blessedness (that is, salvation in paradise)], the French reading in BI and other consulted manuscripts.

97 standyng. Scrope regularly uses this absolute construction, which translates to “considering that” (MED, stonden, [v.], sense 35).
schal. Bühler, Epistle, p. 8, line 7 and note changes this because L has “schulde,” but the focus of this section is describing how the allegorie works (not about what we should do in life), and “schal” is parallel with the next sentence.

104 moderis and conditoures. The S and M manuscript terms are plural; L has “modyr,” singular, and “conditoures,” plausibly an invented singular feminized form of “conditour” (MED, conduitouresse, [n.]).

106-09 Sent Austin seith . . . thinges hath dominacion. MF, Providencia sive prudencia a, fol. s6r b. “Austeyn” or “Austin” is the Middle English spelling for Saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430), one of the most prolific and influential Church Fathers (considered one of the most significant theologians of the early Church) and one of the first Doctors of the Church (a title given to indicate his major theological contributions, from the Latin “doctor” [teacher]). As the Electronic MF, “Fons primus” and OLH, p. 38n16, note, the work in question De singularitate clericorum [On the Singularity of Clerics] is now attributed to Pseudo-Cyprian (an unnamed author once thought by scholars to have been Cyprian).

110-11 Si intraverit . . . servabit te. Proverbs 2:10–11 and CV, fol. 77v; Larke, fol. 3r. This and almost all other quotations from the Vulgate are absent from L, probably awaiting rubrication, except for occasional first words and the translated complete quotation for Chapter 55.


CHAPTER 2

2 S follows the visual program set by French manuscripts and contain images of Temperance adjusting the weights of a clock, with a later reader’s partial attempt at copying the clock in the margin (see note above to the image on Prol.1). Christine may have invented the unusual image, and she later added a paragraph to B and B₁ (not in any of the other consulted manuscripts) to correlate the relationship of clock management to the regulation of the body and desires (Parussa, 2.1–7). See Willard, “Clock of Temperance”; Bradbury and Collette, “Changing Times,” pp. 362–64; and Singer, “Clockwork Genres.”

M presumably would have depicted a similar image at the beginning of Chapter 2, but the folio has been removed; see note Prol.1 above. To view the digital image, see St. John’s Col lege, Special Collections: https://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/manuscripts/medieval_m anuscripts/medman/A/Web%20images/othea2.htm.

8 cosin germayn. Scrope presents Temperance as first cousin to Prudence, even though French texts, including BI, identify her consistently as “seur germaine,” literally meaning “full sister” (as opposed to half-sister) and allegorically indicating the close spiritual affinity of the two virtues. In the glose at 2.23, S and M correct to “sister” but L continues to use “cosyn.”

14 Temperaunce. Of the four Cardinal Virtues, Christine’s Temperance most closely resembles an allegorical personification, because she is not associated with a mythological figure or an individualizing name (like Othea), but she remains tied to the human realm by Christine’s euhemerism and by her association with her “sister” Othea (Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 149–51).

15-18 I may not . . . . oo leke blade. Scrope has bungled the translation: the meaning should be, loosely, that you (i.e., Hector, the reader) may not have the reputation of great grace except through her, for if she did not order the weights, nothing would be worth a pea (see also OLH, p. 39). Scrope also transforms the latter statement to assert that nothing would be worth the leaf of a leek. Comparing something’s value to a leek seems to have been proverbial in English literature; see Whiting L185 and MED, lek [n.], sense 1c.

23 sister. Here, Scrope’s S and M manuscripts correctly translate Christine’s sibling relationship for Temperance and Prudence; L reproduces the error “cosyn” of 2.8 (see note 2.8 above).

25 temperaunce . . . temperaunce. Christine borrows the close relationship of prudence and temperance from the CV, fol. 80r; Larke, fols. 11r–v (Larke mistranslates sister as “flower”).

27-28 As the philosophre . . . and perfitith vertues. CV, fol. 80r, unattributed; Larke fol. 11v. Democritus (ca. 460–ca. 370 BCE) was a Greek pre-Socratic philosopher.

30 superfluyteis. Although Harley 4341 records “choses” [things], BI and all other consulted French manuscripts contain “superfluitez” [excesses].

30-33 And Sent Austin . . . and worldli preisinges. MF, Temperantia a, fol. y4r b–y4v a. CV, fol. 80r, contains an abridged version; Larke, fols. 12r–v. The MF paraphrases a summary by Thomas Aquinas of Augustine’s De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum [The Catholic and Manichean Ways of Life]; for this source detail and others beyond the MF, see the appendix by Cheryl Lemmens in OLH, pp. 133–54.

31-32 Condicions of the Chirche . . . condicions of concupiscence. On the eyeskip in the L manuscript that identifies Augustine’s book as on the “condycions of concupyscence,” see Bühler, “Revisions and Dedications,” pp. 268–69. Bühler shows that many errors in L are the scribe’s fault and not Scrope’s as translator, correcting assumptions made by Warner, who was unaware of the S and M copies. However, it must be cautioned that although Bühler concludes that the L manuscript is further removed from the French than S or M, he revises that assessment in Epistle, p. xxii n1, and my own analysis indicates that L often contains more accurate translations of the French than S or M; whatever the scribal errors may be, they cannot be used to deduce the chronological position of the copy dedicated to Fastolf.

34-35 Obsecro vos . . . militant adversus animam. 1 Peter 2:11 and CV, fols. 80r–v; Larke, fols. 12r–v. Christine corrects the erroneous citation of 1 Peter 3 in the CV (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” pp. 196, 202). A/AI and DI manuscripts refer to Peter as an apostle, but B/BI do not.


CHAPTER 3

1 The image for both the BI and Scrope copies, S and M, reflects Christine’s earliest iconography in the A manuscripts, which depicts Hercules, Pirithous, and Theseus battling hell-beasts, including Cerberus (see Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” p. 350n35). To view digital images from both S and M, see their holding instutition’s websites, St. John’s College, Special Collections: https:// www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/manuscripts/medieval_manuscr ipts/medman/A/Web%20images/Cerberus.htm, and Pierpont Morgan Library and Museum, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts: http://ica.themorgan.org/ manuscript/page/8/158842, respectively. In the later, luxury B/B₁ manuscripts, that image migrates to Chapter 27, where it reflects the focal point of the narrative, and Chapter 3 depicts Hercules battling two lions instead. Visually and textually, then, BI’s original ancestor represents an earlier version of a B manuscript than the Duke’s and Queen’s manuscripts (for the stemma, see TM, pp. 308, 326).
strength. The four Cardinal Virtues are typically feminine, but in Christine’s Othea, Fortitude and Justice are exemplified by men. See Hindman, Painting and Politics, p. 53, and Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 146–48.

3 Hercules. Medieval thinkers often viewed Hercules as an allegorical “type” of Christ, prefiguring, for instance, Christ’s victory over sin and harrowing of Hell (see Chapter 27). Hercules appears in OM 7.1681–2003. See also Chapter 27.

17 The goddes doughter callid Ceres. The French correctly refers to Proserpina as “La fille Cerés la deesse” [The daughter of Ceres the goddess] (BI; Parussa, 3.18).

18 ravysschid. The term “ravysched” carries the sense of forceful abduction for the purpose of sexual assault (MED, ravishen [v.], sense 2b).

19 myster. This term translates the French métier, so it should be defined as “need, necessity” based on the original sense of the passage (MED, mister, [n.], sense 5a; the MED erroneously files this quotation under sense 5e, “difficulty, problem”).

20 Serebrus. Christine attributes to Hercules the breaking of Cerberus’s chain, a deed performed by Theseus in the OM, although Hercules captures Cerberus (Parussa, pp. 387–88n3b).

23 wynneris. Scrope must have mistaken the French “gaignon” [mastiff, despicable man] for “gagneur” [winner].

25 Pirotheus and Theseus. Pirithous is another mythological hero and friend of the more well-known hero Theseus; they had multiple adventures together but became trapped in Hell when Pirithous, with Theseus’s aid, attempted to kidnap (or rescue) Proserpine. Hercules rescued them both, as the Othea relays in Chapter 27.

36 Or ellis of wildenes. In BI and all consulted manuscripts except B/B₁, line 35 interrupts the list of beasts the reader should not battle, and this line continues that list, adding “N’aussi aux autres sauvagines” [Nor with other savage beasts]; B/B₁ replace “sauvagines” with “serpentines” [snake-like beasts]. Scrope seems to have understood the line as continuing Othea’s musing of whether or not the reader imagines himself following Hercules’s feats literally.

56-59 which spak covertli . . . that he dide. In other words, Hercules did not actually travel to hell, but poets invented that story to underscore the great deeds that he did accomplish. The practice of speaking “covertli” or “under the couvertoure of poetis” (4.15) is also called “couverture,” and it describes medieval thinkers’ interpretation of classical myth: certain fantastic elements cannot possibly be “true,” so classical writers must have embellished historical events in order to illustrate a point. This process of applying a historical interpretation to myth is called euhemerism; mythography involves the further moralization or allegorization of myths, like the glose and allegorie interpretations on chivalric and spiritual levels. See Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 1–14, and Chance, Medieval Mythography, 3:1-7.

61-64 Lich as . . . desirith wurthynes. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 41n22, point out that Christine combines the parable of the sower (Matthew 13:1–8) and the parable of the grain of wheat (John 12:24–25).

64-65 vertu of strengthe . . . overcome all thinge. CV, fol. 87v, attributed to Socrates and condensed by Christine; Larke, fol. 34v (Parussa, p. 388n3c; Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 202).

68 victorious. B₁ uniquely omits the French “victorieux” (as do modern editions based on it); however, the terms appears in A/AI, B, BI, and the DI versions consulted.

68-73 And Sent Ambrose . . . agens fleschli desires. MF, Fortitudo c and d, fol. i1r a. Aurelius Ambrosius (ca. 340–397), a bishop of Milan and one of the four original Doctors of the Church (with St. Gregory, St. Augustine, and St. Jerome). The text comes not from Ambrose’s De officiis ministrorum [On the Duties of the Clergy], often known simply as De officiis [On Offices], but instead from a letter to Simplician, another bishop of Milan; see Lemmens in OLH, p. 133. Christine has combined elements of two MF entries and may also have included some of the CV, fol. 87v (Larke fol. 34v), language, which warns specifically against carnal desires [“desirs charneulx”] rather than the MF Fortitudo c more general warning against pleasures [“voluptates”].

71 garmentes. The French word “aornemens” can mean “garments,” but it can also refer to the characteristic features of something, and the latter is more likely here (DMF, aornement 2 [n.], sense A).

71-72 makith . . . laboures. Although B/B₁ omit this text, it appears in BI and Scrope (and in A/AI and D/DI copies, and thus the Bibell). Mombello, TM, pp. 297–98 no. 18, p. 314 no. 15, identifies the phrase as a key feature of A and D manuscripts; eyeskip may be to blame for its absence in the B and B₁ copies.

73 rude. Bühler adopts the M reading of “royde,” but I have retained the S spelling because ME “rude” equally refers to a fierce person, perhaps by influence of Old French roide and ME royde (MED, rude [adj.], sense 5e).

74-75 Scribo vobis iuvenes . . . vicistis malignum. 1 John 2:14 and CV, fol. 87v; Larke, fol. 35r. Christine corrects the CV chapter reference (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 202).


CHAPTER 4

1 S and M contain images of Minos in an elaborate chair presiding over semi-naked prisoners led before him. On subtle differences in the two images, see Desmond, “Reading and Visuality,” pp. 117–18. To view digital images from S and M, see St. John’s College, Special Collections: https://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/ library/special_collections/manuscripts/medieval_manuscripts/medman/A/We b%20images/minos.htm; and Pierpont Morgan Library and Museum, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts: http://ica.themorgan.org/manuscript/page/9/ 158842.

2 Minos. Minos king of Crete was judge of the dead in classical mythology. See OM 2.5074–80. See Forhan, Political Theory, pp. 120–23, for links between kingship and justice in Christine.

11-14 He that is a rightwis justice . . . . corrector of othir men. TDP, p. 968; Dicts, pp. 154.34 and 155.35–36.

15 under the couvertoure of poetis. On “couvertoure” as a medieval poetic practice, see note 3.56–59 above.

15-19 Minos . . . taile aboute him. Christine draws on Dante’s depiction of Minos twirling his tail to indicate his judgment (Inferno, ed. Singleton, 5.4–15).

21 Grece. French Othea manuscripts frequently conflate Crete or Greece, due to easy confusion of scribal C/G and t/c; BI correctly identifies Crete, but DI7 reads “Grece.” Both Scrope and the Bibell present “Grece.”

23-24 Justice is a mesure . . . rightwislye. TDP, p. 969; Dicts, pp. 158.15–17 and 159.16–18; and CV, fol. 91r; Larke, fol. 48r. The adverb “rightwislye” is Scrope’s insertion; it does not appear in B, B₁, or BI.

26-34 And Seinte Bernarde . . . . have doon amys. MF, Justicia et justus s, fols. l6v b–l7r; and CV, fol. 91r; Larke, fol. 48r. Christine follows the MF’s attribution to St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153), an important Doctor of the Church, and a French abbot instrumental in the reform of the Benedictine Order of monks that led to the establishment of the Cistercian Order. The structure of the A/AI, BI, and DI manuscripts, which lists the three types of persons first before elaborating, is closer to the structure of the CV and MF than the B version. See Parussa, p. 389n4f, and Epistle, pp. 132–33n14/6–16. Thus, both the Bibell and Scrope’s Epistle are closer to each other than to B or B₁.

32 noun-power. Scrope provides a literal translation of Christine’s “non puissance” [“incapacities” (OLH, p. 43)].

34 proverbe. The expected noun is “propos” [purpose] (A/AI, B/B₁, D/DI), but both BI and Scrope transmit “proverbe” instead.

35-36 Excogitat iustus . . . facere iusticiam. Proverbs 21:12, 15; and CV, fol. 91r; Larke, fol. 48r. Scrope and BI omit “justo” [to the just] from Proverbs 21:15 (other French copies, including BI₂, contain it).


CHAPTER 5

1 Percyvalle. BI and all other consulted French manuscripts read “Perseus.” Scrope transforms the classical hero Perseus into Perceval, perhaps deliberately but plausibly by misreading his source manuscript. Chance, “The Arthurian Knight Remythified,” pp. 19–24, sees the change as deliberate; however, Chance conflates St. John’s College, MS H.5 (S) with British Library, MS Royal 15 E VI (the latter being the wedding gift for Margaret of Anjou), and she erroneously claims that Scrope and the S manuscript image depict Perseus/Perceval rescuing Andromeda from a dragon. The term for the monster in both French and English is “bellue”(Scrope 5.8), which indicates a sea monster or whale (DMF, belue [n.1]; MED, bellue [n.]). The image in S, fol. 9r, depicts a monstrous head emerging from sea waves as an armor-clad Perseus/Perceval rides Pegasus to rescue Andromeda, and contemporary marginal notes (unfortunately cropped in the digital image) label the figures “Percivalle,” “Pegasus,” “Andromeda,” and “bellue.”

M likely would have contained a similar image, but the folio was removed. To view the digital image, see St. John’s College, Special Collections: https:// www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/manuscripts/medieval_manuscr ipts/medman/A/Web%20images/perseus.htm.

3 bothe softe and harde. The expected French is “en toutes pars” [through all parts] (BI); the alteration is Scrope’s.

4-6 Pegasus . . . . Andromeda. For Perseus’s rescue of Andromeda, see OM 4.5637–5891. See also Chapter 55. In classical mythology, Perseus’s spilling Medusa’s blood causes Pegasus’s birth, but Bellerophon (not Perseus) typically masters the winged horse. However, the convoluted narrative of the OM 4.6210–18 may imply it, and GD 12.25 indicates both that Perseus rode Pegasus after rescuing Andromeda and that Persia was named after him. Steadman, “Perseus upon Pegasus,” suggests that because later medieval texts depicted Bellerophon attempting to ride Pegasus to Heaven, he acquired a reputation for overreaching ambition, so authors replaced him with Perseus on Pegasus to avoid negative associations. On Pegasus as a puzzle encouraging readers’ engagement and preparing them to interpret other chapters, see Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 62 (see also 1.27 and note, above). On Christine’s depiction of Perseus and Andromeda as exploring “the politics of the male gaze,” see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 132–37.

21 Perce. The HA1 or GD 12.25 could have provided the link between Perseus and Persia (Parussa, p. 389–90n5a).

29-32 hors the which fleeth . . . alle contrees. Christine’s interpretation of Pegasus as renown draws on the OM 4.5808–12. Of course, “renown” is not one of the four Cardinal Virtues, but Christine presents it as the natural result of virtuous behaviors. By depicting renown as a horse the good knight can ride, the Othea implies that a man can master and control his reputation by acting virtuously (Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, p. 146).

32-33 a good name . . . princes. CV, fol. 90r; Larke, fol. 42v.

34-44 desire a good name . . . . weel of a good name. Many mirrors for princes express apprehension about ambition, but the Othea uses the desire for reputation to motivate the reader to acquire virtues. As the allegorie clarifies, this desire is good so long as it does not turn into vainglory.

36-38 Andromeda . . . synne. The OM 5.1041–52 allegorizes Andromeda as the soul. Using this narrative to figure renown allows Christine to introduce early in the Othea the argument that chivalric virtues can be demonstrated in men’s treatment of women.

40-44 Saint Austin seith . . . a good name. MF, Fama c, fol. h7r b. Both English translators imitate Christine’s French title Livre de correccion, which alludes to St. Augustine’s Sermon 355 (Parussa, p. 391n5d; Lemmens, in OLH, p. 134).

40-41 to serve welle. Scrope either misread the expected “bien vivre” [to live well] (BI) or altered the verb on purpose.

41 for feith. BI and other French manuscripts consulted read “pour soy” [for himself]; Scrope likely confused a tall-s form with an f, resulting in “foy” [faith].

44-45 Curam habe . . . mille thesauri preciosi. Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 41:15; and CV, fols. 90r–v; Larke, fol. 43r. The error of “xvi” for “xli” appears in BI and Scrope, but other copes are correct (see Parussa, 5.61).


CHAPTER 6

Chapters 6–12 outline the seven planets, their correlations to names of the days of the week, their alchemical properties, and their spiritual significances. Christine’s revisions in B and B₁ add opening paragraphs for Chapters 6–12 that explain the connection of the planets and gods; for this extra material, see Chapters 6–12 in Parussa and OLH, pp. 45–52. A/AI, BI, and DI versions lack those clarifying paragraphs. Christine combines information from a number of sources, including the OM, Pierre Bersuire’s Reductorium morale, glosses to Evrart de Conty’s Eschez amoureux, and alchemical treatises (Parussa, pp. 391–94). Because Scrope follows Christine but the Bibell translator alters alchemical references (see Bibell Explanatory Note 6.14), it may be useful to review the English predecessors: Chaucer briefly presents associations of the gods with metals in the Canon Yeoman’s Tale (CT VIII [G] 826–29) and HF, lines 1419–512; and Gower, CA 7.721–954, discusses the planets’ influences on certain behavioral characteristics. On representations of the planets as deities more generally, see Panofsky and Saxl, “Classical Mythology,” pp. 241–48, and Shamos, “Astrology as a Social Framework”; and on Christine’s usage, see Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 77–89; Tuve, Allegorical Imagery, pp. 296–99; and Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 41–45. For introductions to alchemy, see Roberts, Mirror of Alchemy, and Taylor, Founders of Modern Chemistry.

2 Jovis. Jove or Jupiter appears, for instance, in the OM 1.722–26; EA, pp. 76–77; and RM fol. 5r.

5 poetis. B/BI copies like Laud record “poetes,” an error for the A/AI reading “paiens” [pagans].

9 of Jovis. BI omits “de Jovis” [of Jove] (and is not Scrope’s direct source).
philosophres. Even though it is more commonly used in the work to indicate its obvious cognate “philosophers,” this Middle English term accurately translates the French “arquemistes” [alchemists] (see MED, philosophre [n.], sense d).

10 seven metallis to the seven planetis. Medieval thinkers paired each of the known planetary bodies with a corresponding metal based on supposed shared qualities. In general, the associations are as follows: Sun (gold), Moon (silver), Mars (iron), Mercury (quicksilver), Venus (copper — or tin in Christine’s Othea), Jupiter (tin — or copper in Christine’s Othea), and Saturn (lead). See Pseudo- Geber, Pseudo-Geber, ed. Newman, pp. 658, 671–76, for more on these associations.

11 Jeber. A number of Latin alchemical texts are attributed to Geber, the eighth-century Arabic alchemist Jabir ibn Hayyan, including the Summa perfectionis magisterii (Parussa, p. 394n6c), although authorship is uncertain and the true author may have been the thirteenth-century Italian Franciscan alchemist Paul of Taranto (Pseudo-Geber, Pseudo-Geber, ed. Newman, pp. 57–108). See also CA, volume 2, p. 402n2608.
Nicholas. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 28, make a strong case for identifying this figure as Nicholas Flamel (ca. 1340–1418), the alchemist who supposedly discovered the Philosopher’s Stone (and is referenced in J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter novels). Parussa, p. 394c, offers two other possibilities: Nicholas Comes (or de Comitibus) or Nicholaus de Paganica. Both men are the purported authors of alchemical or astrological treatises that include sections on planetary properties that seem to have existed in the early fifteenth century, but neither has been satisfactorily identified. See Thorndike, A History of Magic, 4:163–66 and 4:213–15.

The Bibell translator’s omission of “Nicholas” may indicate an uncertainty about the identity and authority of the figure.

13 sangwen. The medieval humoral theory believed that one’s health and personality depended on a balance of four bodily fluids, or humors, that defined one’s temperament: yellow bile (choleric), phlegm (phlegmatic), black bile (melancholic), and blood (sanguine). Sanguine characters are dominated by blood, leading to a pleasure-seeking, joyful, and/or amorous disposition. The best-known sanguine medieval character is Chaucer’s Wife of Bath. For a concise summary of humoral theory, see ed. Harmon, A Handbook to Literature, p. 240–41. Although Othea encourages her pupil to imitate Jupiter’s joyful condition, she urges him elsewhere to restrain himself from lechery or intense amorous affection (e.g., Chapters 7, 22, 84). This is not a contradiction but rather the recognition that the ideal knight should imitate Jupiter but not to the point of excess.

16-18 seith Pictagoras . . . tendyng to wurschip. TDP, p. 931; Dicts 60.24–26 and 61.26–28. Pythagoras (ca. 580–ca. 507 BCE) refers to the Greek mathematician and philosopher.

22 Jhesu Criste. Christ’s name only appears in B/BI, not A/AI or D/DI manuscripts. Compare Bibell 6.24.

23-26 For Seint Gregori . . . nedis be exhauncid. MF, Misericordia n, fol. n6v a–b (Electronic MF: Misericordia m), attributes this saying to Church Father St. Jerome (ca. 347–420), who translated the Bible from Greek into the Latin Vulgate and wrote numerous theological texts, including the Epistle to Nepotian (Scrope’s “Pistill of Poncian,” likely due to a corrupted exemplar). By contrast, the CV fol. 95r (compare Larke, fol. 57v), attributes it to the Church Father St. Gregory the Great, ca. 540–604 (also known as Pope Gregory I). A/AI Othea manuscripts follow the MF in citing Jerome, while B/BI and all D manuscripts follow the CV in citing Gregory (TM, p. 314 no.16; Parussa, pp. 49–51). The original source is neither but an unknown author of sermons known as Pseudo-Augustine (Electronic MF: “Fons primus”; Lemmens, in OLH, p. 134).

27 Beati misericordes . . . misericordiam consequentur. Matthew 5:7 and CV, fol. 95r; Larke omits. Christine includes the attribution to Matthew from the Vulgate that is lacking in the CV (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 202). Scrope omits “ipsi” before “misericordiam,” though it is found in other texts, including BI. Scrope and BI lack the citation of Matthew 5 (but it does appear in B/B₁ and BI₂).


CHAPTER 7

1 Venus. See headnote to Chapter 6 above and Chapters 56 and 73.

3 ravenous. The MED lists ravinous, (adj.), sense c, as a mistranslation of the French traveilleux [laborious, fatiguing] (BI; Parussa, 7.8), but Scrope’s is the only example. Scrope translates a form of French “travail” correctly in prose passages elsewhere (e.g., 20.8, 49.6).

5 Friday. Christine attributes the French “vendredi” [Friday] to Venus, and Scrope translates without explaining that the English word has a different, Old English origin (MED, fri-dai [n.], sense 1), through an association of the Germanic goddess Frigg with Venus. Venus’s association with Friday appears in OM 1.727–28, RM fol. 5r, and EA, pp. 234–36 (Parussa, p. 395n7a).

7 quene of Cipre. Venus’s association with Cyprus is commonplace; see, for example, GDE, 3.23 (at p. 403). The Latin term for copper is “cypreus,” and the linguistic similarity to “Cyprus” may account for Venus’s traditional association with the metal.

8 jolynes. MED, jolinesse (n.), indicates gaiety and gladness; the French term “jolivete,” however, also can indicate an indifference to morality (DMF, jolivete, [n.], sense A3). The Middle English adjective form can denote lasciviousness (MED, joli, [adj.], sense 2e). Regarding Venus, the sense of wantonness and amorousness is likely relevant, here and in 73.17.

12 liif. Scrope must have misread his exemplar as “vivre” [life]; BI and other French copies consulted record “vice” [vice] (compare Parussa, 7.21).
Hermes. Hermes Trismegistus is the name given to a prolific ancient Egyptian philosopher, though it was common for medieval texts to conflate Hermes Trismegistus, the Greco-Roman deity Hermes/Mercury, and the Biblical figure of Enoch (see ed. Sutton, Dicts and Sayings, p. 118n2.1–2).

12-13 The vice . . . alle vertues. CV, fol. 87r; Larke, fol. 33v.

15-19 Cassidoire seith . . . . in His hate. MF, Superbia ay, fol. y3v a (Electronic MF: Superbia az). Proverbial: see Whiting V7. “Cassiodre” is Cassiodorus (ca.484–90–ca. 577–90), the Roman statesman, historian, and writer who founded a monastery in his retirement and wrote, among other things, the Expositio Psalmorum [Exposition of the Psalms].

16-17 a voide degree . . . the first man. For BI’s straightforward “l’ange” [the angel, i.e., Lucifer], Scrope adds commentary on Lucifer as an arrogant, worthless, or perhaps deficient member of the order of angels (MED, voide [adj.], sense 8a; and degre, [n.], senses 4f and 8).

20-21 Odisti omnes observantes vanitates supervacue. Psalms 30:7.


CHAPTER 8

2 Saturne. Saturn appears in many of Christine’s regular sources associated with prudence and seriousness, e.g., OM 1.513–718, 801–26; RM fols. 1v–2r; and EA, pp. 65–71, 76 (Parussa, p. 395n8a). Saturn is often represented as cold, indifferent, cruel, and even malevolent — see OM 1.756–74, Chaucer’s Knight’s Tale, (CT I [A] 2454–69), and Assembly, lines 279–87 — but after his castration, he becomes associated with prudence; see Chance, Mythographic Chaucer, pp. 190–93, 202–03, 210–13; and Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Visuality, & Montage, pp. 57–65. The association with lead is common. See also Chapter 51.

13-14 Thinke well . . . jugement of othir. TDP, pp. 912–13; Dicts, pp. 12.24–25 and 13.24–25.

18-21 And Seint Gregor . . . holde them juste. MF, Judex sive judicium u, fol. l5v a. The title of the work refers to St. Gregory’s Moralia in Job [Morals on the Book of Job], a commentary on the Biblical Book of Job.

22-23 Timor Domini sanctus . . . in semet ipsa. Psalms 18:10.


CHAPTER 9

2 Appollo. Apollo or Phoebus appears in the OM 1.3125–32, 2.52–206, and 6.1644–46; the RM fols. 4r–5r; and the EA, pp. 84–93 (Parussa, p. 395n9a), and he is commonly associated with gold and eloquence. For a survey of representations of Apollo, see Fumo, Legacy of Apollo. See also Chapters 48 and 87.

8 The which vertu . . . every good knyght. TDP, p. 912; Dicts, pp. 12.6 and 13.6–7. Christine includes both mouth (as in TDP) and heart (Parussa, 9.22).

9 good councell. The expected French is “loyal conseil” [loyal/trustworthy counsel] (Parussa, 9.24; BI).

11-12 in his mouthe . . . verray knyghte Jhesu Crist. Chance, CLO, p. 47n4, reads Christ’s truth, which should be in the good knight’s mouth, as the Eucharist, noting the common association of Apollo with Christ.

12-16 As Cassiodor seith . . . and reisith hymself. MF, Veritas x, fols. z5r b–z5v a. The title of the work refers to a sermon by the Greek Church Father John Chrysostom (ca. 347–ca. 407), which praises St. Paul (Lemmens in OLH, p. 135). A/AI and almost all D Othea copies, and thus the Bibell, attribute this material to Chrysostom. All B family manuscripts except one erroneously cite Cassiodorus (TM, p. 298 no. 20 and p. 314 no. 17).

16-17 Tertii Esdre. Christine’s error “Secundi Esdre” appears in all consulted French copies. The medieval Vulgate organizes Esdras into four books, which standard English versions divide into two books of Nehemiah and two books of Esdras or Ezra (see OLH, p. 49n30). This Esdras narrative, which is retold by Gower in CA 7.1783–1916, is not found in the Douay-Rheims Bible; the Vulgate’s 3 and 4 Esdras correspond to the apocryphal books of 1 and 2 Esdras in the 1611 King James Bible, where the narrative runs from 1 Esdras 3-4:41, and statements on the power of truth above all else appear at 1 Esdras 3:12 and 4:41. The translation of the Latin is mine.


CHAPTER 10

1 Phebe. Phoebe is commonly represented as the moon — for example, the OM 6.1647–49, the RM fol. 6v (with Diana), and EA pp. 258–60 (Parussa, p. 396n10a). Both the moon and women were proverbially considered to have inconstant natures; see Whiting M647, W526.

2,5 He, his, him. All three manuscripts gender Phoebe male. The unexpected error contradicts mythology and the typical stereotype of women as inconstant. See also Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language,” p. 101.

4 Malencolyous. The medieval humoral theory of medicine believed an excess of black bile produced a melancholic disposition, which might range from gloomy to angry (see MED, malencolious [adj.], senses 2a–d). See also note 6.13, above.

8-9 Use wisedome and be stedfast. TDP, p. 912; Dicts, pp. 12.22 and 13.22–23. Christine modifies the quotation to evoke constancy (Campbell, Epître, p. 181).

11-17 As Seint Ambrose seith . . . . roted in feith. MF, Fortitudo d, fol. i1r a. A substantially abridged and unattributed version appears in CV, fol. 80r (Parussa, p. 397n10d); Larke, fol. 11r. The reference is to St. Ambrose’s letter to Simplician, a bishop of Milan.

18-19 Homo sanctus . . . sicut luna mutatur. Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 27:12, and CV, fol. 80r; Larke, fol. 11r.


CHAPTER 11

1 Mars. Christine constructs a symbolic lineage for Hector in which he is not only the son of Priam and Hecuba of Troy but also the son of Mars and Minerva–Pallas (Chapters 13–14). Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 102–13, argues that the presentation of Mars and Minerva as Hector’s parents (and the changing illuminations of them) reflects Christine’s concerns with discord within the French royal family.

2 in every mater. The M and L manuscripts record “mater,” a close translation of BI’s “en tout pas” [in all situations]; the S reading “maner” technically makes sense, but “mater” offers approximate rhyme with “fader.”

5-6 The Tuwisday . . . . werres and batailles. On Mars’s characteristics, see OM 3.281 and 4.1489–96; the RM fols. 3v–4r (Parussa, p. 397n11a); see also EA, p. 83. The French word for Tuesday, “martes,” derives from Mars, but the English term comes from the German god Tiw (who became associated with Mars).

10-11 a wise man seith . . . his inclinacions. Precise source unknown, but Bühler, Epistle, p. 137n22/2, calls attention to an analogue by Sedechias (Dicts, 8.14–16 and 9.13–15; TDP, p. 911).

14-20 Seint Ambrose seyeth . . . . to overcome hymself. MF, Bellum m, fol. c2v b. The extract occurs in Gregory’s Moralia, not Ambrose’s De officiis [On the Duties of the Clergy], which is cited by both Christine and MF (Epistle, p. 138n22/7–15; Lemmens in OLH, p. 135).

21-23 Non est . . . in celestibus. Ephesians 6:12.


CHAPTER 12

1 faucon. BI indicates “façonde” [eloquence], and Scrope surely intended the cognate “facounde” (MED, facounde [n.], sense a), although his term has been misinterpreted as “falchion” [sword] (see Warner, p. 23n3; Epistle, p. 138n22/21). As further support for Scrope’s correctness, “pleyne” commonly is used to refer to speech but seems less relevant to swordplay (MED, pleine [adj.], sense 3); on “pleyne” speech, see also N. Watson, “Theories of Translation.”

3 Mercury. Mercury’s associations with language, eloquence, and quicksilver are common; see OM 1.3994–4000; RM fols. 5v–6v; and EA, pp. 250–52 (Parussa, p. 397n12a). See also Chapters 18 and 30.

5 Wednysday. French “mercredi” [Wednesday] comes from Mercury’s name; the English name derives from “Woden’s day” and the god Odin, who became associated with Mercury.

6 pontificalle. This line is the only attestation for MED, pontifical (adj.), sense 1d, rather than the more common, literal meaning “[o]f or pertaining to a high church official” (sense 1a). Scrope’s usage derives directly from Christine’s French “pontifical” (Parussa, 12.17), which has the figurative meaning “worthy of a pontiff, prestigious” (DMF, pontifical [adj.], sense ID); OLH, p. 51, translates as “magnificent.”

10-11 Diogenes seith . . . save of speche. TDP, p. 933; Dicts, pp. 66.13–14 and 67.14–15. Diogenes (ca. 412–ca. 323 BCE) was a Greek philosopher and one of the founders of the Cynic school, which believed that man should live a simple, virtuous life and reject desires for wealth, power, and fame; Diogenes lived as a beggar and is known for his extreme asceticism and unconventional behaviors.

14-19 And Seint Gregor seith . . . . into our understandynge. CV, fol. 98v; Larke, fol. 67v. The Middle English title Omelies refers to St. Gregory’s Homilae in Evangelia [Homilies on the Gospels].

20 Qui vos audit . . . me spernit. Luke 10:16 and CV, fol. 98v; Larke, fol. 68r.


CHAPTER 13

In Chapters 13–15, Christine represents the Catholic tradition’s three primary theological virtues — Faith, Hope, and Charity — as women warriors Minerva, Pallas, and Penthesilea. On Christine’s insertion of women into theological roles, see Birk, Biblical Wisdom, pp. 65–88, especially 80–81.

3 moder. The L manuscript reads “modus,” which gives us two important pieces of information: one, the scribe knew enough Latin to misread a suspension mark for the Middle English “-er” as indicating the Latin “-us”; and two, this indicates that the manuscript is a copy and not Scrope’s original. Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” p. 347, proposes that Longleat could have been Scrope’s original; although her arguments about the Preface and Scrope’s plans for his translation are persuasive, the many copying errors like this one (and others recorded in the textual notes) make it unlikely that L is Scrope’s original copy.

3,12 signed, delyvered. Scrope’s translation often shows disparities between his translation of the same word in the poetic and prose sections. Both times in BI (and other French copies) this verb is “livrera” [delivered]; Christine may be punning on Minerva giving birth to armor. MED, signen (v.2), sense e, suggests that the term (usually for appointing or assigning someone to a position or place) could mean “provide” something; the only example is Scrope’s.

4 Minerve. For Minerva/Pallas, see OM 2.4414, 6.65; RM fol. 7r; EA, pp. 261–76; (Parussa, p. 399n13b) and Boccaccio’s CFW, pp. 14–15, and GDE 5.48. The alternate names Minerva and Pallas separate out the single figure’s dual roles as the inventor of armor and the goddess of wisdom (see note 14.1, below). Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 210–12, identifies Minerva as Christine’s “patron of interpretation,” and an important link between the Othea and the later City of Ladies.
is not bitter. This accurately translates the French, but M emends to “must be best.” Although Bühler, Epistle, pp. xxi–xxv, and in his emendation to other M readings, gives M a fair amount of authority, variants like this one suggest that the M scribe occasionally alters his English source text, without recourse to the French, so we should be hesitant to embrace all of M’s unique variants as authoritative (even when they are “correct,” as in M’s accurate recording of Echo’s gender in 86.2–3 and note).

6 cuirboille. The protective body armor was created by boiling leather, molding it to fit the body, and allowing it to harden. In the late medieval era, it was replaced by plate iron, which is here credited to Minerva’s invention. See MED, quir-boili (n.), which cites this line.

10-11 an auctor seith . . . sugettes to the same. Unknown source. Bühler, Epistle, p. 139n24/2, proposes a basis in Matthew 26:52, “all that take the sword shall perish with the sword.” Compare Bibell, 13.16–17.

13-14 the vertu of feith . . . divine vertu. On Christine’s construction of women as the three theological virtues (faith, hope, and charity) and as men’s equals in intellect and strength, see Kellogg, “Chivalric Mythographer,” pp. 116–17; and Birk, Biblical Wisdom, pp. 80–81. See also Chance, “Christine’s Minerva,” for Christine’s portrayal of women inventors and educators.

15-17 Cassiodoire seith . . . may please God. MF, Fides ak, fol. h8v b (Electronic MF: Fides al), attributed to Chrysostom’s sermon On the Creed. Only A manuscripts correctly cite Chrysostom; AI, B/BI, and D/DI manuscripts erroneously cite Cassiodorus (TM, p. 299 no. 21; Parussa, p. 399n13c). See also Lemmens in OLH, pp. 135–36.

18-19 Sine fide impossibile est placere Deo. Hebrews 11:6, and CV, fol. 78v; Larke, fol. 7r. In citing the Hebrews chapter, Scrope’s manuscripts contain the error “vi,” but BI correctly records “xi.”


CHAPTER 14

1 Pallas. Boccaccio explains the dual names Minerva and Pallas in GDE 2.3 and 4.63–64 (Parussa, p. 399n14b). See also note 13.4, above.

8 Pallaunce. The island that supposedly gave Pallas her name, Pallene, was located in Thrace, according to Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, trans. Barney et al., Book VIII, Chapter xi, line 75.

12-13 therfore it is seyde . . . to knyghthode. The idea of uniting wisdom with the practice of arms became popular in late medieval France and England. Authors redefined knighthood as the condition of being educated in virtues foundational to the social and political well-being of the state, creating not only a chivalric ideal but also a social ideal relevant to all citizens (Kipling, Triumph of Honour, pp. 11–30, 169–72). On English writers specifically, see Summit, Lost Property, pp. 71–81; and Nall, Reading and War.

13-14 that armes . . . . seith Hermes. The French “comme armes doient estre garde de la foy, peut estre entendu a ce propos ce que dit Hermés” seems instead to indicate, “to this purpose, as arms ought to be the guard of faith, may be understood what Hermes says” (see Parussa, 14.20–22; OLH, p. 53).

14-15 Joyne the love of feith with wisedome. TDP, p. 913; Dicts, pp. 14.5–6 and 15.5.

18-22 For Origene seith . . . of theire woundis. MF, Spes q, fol. x7v a (Electronic MF: Spes r). Origen of Alexandria (ca. 184–ca. 253) was a Greek Church Father and prolific early Christian theologian who wrote over two thousand treatises on various religious topics, including over 200 sermons and a homily on the Bible’s book of Exodus, which is the source for this material (see also Lemmens in OLH, p. 136).

23-25 Fortissimum solacium habemus . . . anime tutam. Hebrews 6:18–19. BI and Scrope both omit “spem,” which appears in other versions of the Othea and is essential to the allegorie’s focus on hope. Compare Bibell 14.28.


CHAPTER 15

1 Pantasselle. Christine’s likely source is the Histoire Ancienne (Parussa, p. 400n15a). On Christine’s reshaping of sources and representation of Penthesilea, see Reno, “Feminist Aspects,” pp. 272–73; and Brownlee, “Hector and Penthesilea,” pp. 74–77. For a contrast between Penthesilea’s virtuous love for Hector and Narcissus’s self-love in Chapter 16, see Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 67–68. For English depictions, see Lydgate’s TB 4.3804–4336, and Gower’s CA 4.2135–47.

5 Damazoine. Scrope apparently misunderstands the contracted French preposition “de” in “D’amazoine” [of the Amazon kingdom].

13 that he scholde love here. BI omits the French for this phrase, possibly due to eyeskip.

15 conscience. BI and B/B₁ read “constance,” so either Scrope misread his exemplar, or this is his interpretation.

15-17 And this womman . . . deedid in knyghthoode. Scrope’s translation is slightly muddled: BI reads “et telle femme est adoulee de la mort Hector, c’est a entendre quant prouesse et valeur sont amortize en chevalier” [and this woman is mournful for the death of Hector, which is to understand when prowess and valor are dead in a knight]. Christine’s sentiment laments the death of Hector (and the prowess that dies with him) and also metaphorically equates any time that a knight ceases to exercise valorous qualities with death. See also Parussa, 15.23–25; OLH, p. 54.

17-18 a wise man seith . . . it is perceyved. Unknown source. Bühler (Epistle, p. 140n26/11–12) cites George Ashby’s Dicta & opiniones diversorum philosophorum, which identifies an analogue attributed to Aristotle. See Ashby, George Ashby’s Poems, ed. Bateson, stanza 11.

19 Pantesselle . . . charité. The allegorization of Penthesilea’s violent vengeance as charity may seem discordant, but evoking her martial prowess allows Christine to add a physical dimension to her arguments that women can possess intellect, strength, and virtues (Birk, Biblical Wisdom, pp. 80–81).

21-25 Cassidoire seith . . . of his goodes. MF, Caritas z, fol. c6r a–b. The A/AI and D/DI copies consulted, including the Bibell, ascribe the extract specifically to Cassiodorus’s writings on the Psalms, while the B/BI tradition does not (see also TM, p. 299 no. 22 and n4 on A and B).

22-23 greine . . . groweth. The French sense is that the rain distills the drops of virtue, under which good will grows [“germe”] and good conduct fructifies (see Parussa, 15.32–34; OLH, p. 54). Scrope has mistaken the French conjugated verb “germe” [grows] for the noun “germe” [seed] (Epistle, p. 140n26/18–19), but he also recognizes that the verb is integral to the parallel structure of the sentence. Perhaps he failed to correct his initial impulse (since it does not make sense for crops to grow under a seed); Warner takes the noun use as intentional and supplies “of” to clarify the meaning. In the list of good spiritual crops grown by charity, BI uniquely begins with “la bonne vertu” [good virtue], followed by “la bonne volente et la bonne operacion” [good will and good conduct].

24 paciente. B/B₁ and Scrope repeat the term from 15.23 instead of the A/AI and D/DI reading, “poissant” [powerful]; BI erroneously presents “parfaicte” [perfect].

25 communiall. Both Scrope and the Bibell translator astutely render what Parussa, pp. 400–01n15d, explains as Christine’s complex, innovative use of the French “communicare” as an adjective indicating someone who gives to others and is, in modern French, “libéral” [generous]. Compare Bibell, 15.27: “liberall.”

26-28 Caritas paciens . . . que sua sunt. 1 Corinthians 13:4–5.


CHAPTER 16

Chapters 16–22 allegorize the Seven Deadly Sins.

1 Narcisus. After seeing his reflection in the well, Narcissus falls in love with it and dies by falling in and drowning. See OM 3.1327–902; GDE 7.59; and RR, pp. 50–52; see also Chapter 86. Scholars have viewed Narcissus as exemplifying self-love or homoerotic desire. Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 67–68, contrasts Narcissus’s self-love with Penthesilea’s love for Hector and his reputation. Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 71–76, analyze Christine’s use of the OM and her images of Narcissus and Echo to criticize the RR.

9 overwenyng or ouctrecuidez. L’s doublet is likely Scrope’s original translation. French manuscripts, including BI, have the noun form “l’outrecuidance” [overconfidence]; S and M only have “overwenyng.” A scribe is more likely to omit one term than introduce the direct cognate of the French original (Epistle, p. 141n27/7; at p. 27n7, Bühler erroneously points to the texte’s “chevalier oultrecuidez,” as the source, but see Parussa, 16.13).

11-12 Sone, beware . . . no durable thing. TDP, p. 946, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 98.34 continued on 100.1, 99.37 continued on 101.1.

14 Be Narcisus . . . synne of pride. OM 3.1904–06 also allegorizes Narcissus as pride. For English associations of Narcissus with pride, see Gower’s CA 1.2275–366, and Lydgate’s FP 1.5552–677.

15-19 Whereof is it . . . of his bodye. MF, Superbia aq, fol. y3r b (Electronic MF: Superbia ar); and CV, fol. 97v; Larke, fol. 65v.

17-18 the liif is inne al nakid. The French texts read “est sa vie contenue” [his life is contained]; Scrope apparently read “contenue” as “toute nue” [completely naked]; see Warner, pp. xl and 28n3.

20-21 Si ascenderit . . . in fine perdetur. Job 20:6–7. Scrope follows the French manuscript error of writing “x” [10] instead of “xx” [20]; this error appears in the A/AI, B/BI, and D/DI copies consulted.


CHAPTER 17

1 Athamas. Athamas’s wife Ino elaborately schemes to disinherit her stepchildren so her own might inherit, which involves sowing boiled seeds and bribing priests to convince her husband that the lack of crops signifies the gods’ disapproval of his eldest children. Athamas exiles the children, and Juno sends the goddess of wrath to torment Athamas and Ino, who go mad and both exemplify ire, each murdering one of their shared two children before committing suicide (OM 4.2804–928 and 3835–963). In Christine’s version, after going mad, Athamas kills Ino, their children, and himself; her Athamas alone exemplifies wrath, while Ino is his deserving victim. Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, and Visuality, pp. 204–11, attribute the difference to Christine’s desire to depart from the OM and deflect blame from Ino; Parussa, pp. 401–02n17a, offers the alternate explanation that Christine hastily misread Boccaccio’s GD 13.67. Gower’s version of the tale in CA 5.4243–382 exemplifies avarice. See also Chapter 99.

1-3 Athamas . . . . strangeled her childer. Scrope’s verse confuses Athamas, who strangled his children, with the goddess of ire who made him do it (perhaps by confusing French “fist” [to make] with a term for “fiercely”; Parussa, 17.4–6). Further confusion is shown in L, which mistakes Athamas for the schemer and uses masculine pronouns in 17.6.

17 nerehande. The L reading of “werrant” [fighting each other?] is clearly a copying error (MED, werrant [ppl.]; Warner, p. 30n2).

19-20 whan that . . . so feerfull. The L reading “the goodes saw theyme so ferefull” follows the word order in BI: “la deesse virent tant espoventable” [when they saw the goddess so frightening]. However, Scrope mistakes the goddess for the subject, so the sense goes awry. S and M attempt to make sense of the content, perhaps intending to convey, “when they saw the frightening serpentine hairs” of 17.19.

21 his two childer. These are Athamas’s and Ino’s shared offspring, not the ones exiled earlier.

26 no knowying of reson. L’s “no knowying of reson” exactly translates the French “nulle congnoissance de raison” (BI) and thus was likely Scrope’s original rendering.

28-29 Aristotill seith . . . distroubleth reson. CV, fol. 85v, attributed to Varro; Larke, fols. 27v–28r, cites Aristotle, so perhaps other CV copies did as well. Related proverbial statements include Whiting I54, I62, W701, and W703.

32-34 Liche as vynegre . . . day to day. MF, Ira b, fol. l3v a, and CV, fol. 86r; Larke, fol. 29v. Christine’s version is closer to the MF (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203).

35 Sol non occidat super iracundiam vestram. Ephesians 4:26 and CV, fol. 86r; Larke, fol. 30r.


CHAPTER 18

1 that thou maist see with ighe. BI matches the expected French reading, “Sur toute riens toute ta vie” [Above everything all your life] (Parussa, 18.4); Scrope apparently confuses “vie” with a form of “voir” [to see]. See also OLH, p. 57.

3 Aglaros. Aglauros and Herse (18.5) are daughters of Cecrops of Athens treated in OM 2.3974–4086; Christine describes envy and Aglauros in terms similar to the OM (Parussa, p. 402n18a). Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 83–84, argues that Christine avoids gendering envy as feminine and represents Aglauros as a victim of the goddess of envy.

8-9 become through here enforcyng . . . discolourid. Scrope has muddled his translation by misunderstanding the verbs. BI reads, “toute d’envie se defrisoit et seche et descouloree devint” [she became completely consumed by envy, and she became dry and discolored]; compare Parussa, 18.14–15, and OLH, p. 57.

11 dore. Scrope omits the phrase in BI describing Mercury as “qui entrer vouloit” [who wanted to enter] (Parussa, 18.18).

16 sister. French “serourge” actually indicates “sister-in-law.”

19-20 Socrates seith . . . perpetuel peyne. CV, fol. 83v; Larke, fol. 22v–23r. On this saying and its role in various versions of Christine’s Othea, see Bibell Explanatory Note 18.24–25, Bühler, “Saying Attributed to Socrates,” and Schieberle, “The Problem with Authorial Manuscripts,” p. 108n30.

22 good spirit. BI erroneously repeats “bon chevalier” [good knight] from the previous line instead of “bon esperit” [good spirit], so Scrope’s exemplar likely contained the correct reading (as BI₂ does).

22-26 Envie is hate . . . grete as he. MF, Invidia d, fol. l1r b; and CV, fol. 83v; Larke, fol. 22v.

26-27 Nequam . . . faciem suam. Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 14:8, and CV, fol. 83v; Larke, fol. 23r.


CHAPTER 19

1 Ferre. “Ferre” apparently translates the French “prolixe” [wordy], though that meaning is not attested in MED, ferre (adj.) (Epistle, p. 212).

3 Ulixes. This chapter identifies the reader with Polyphemus, the cyclops that Ulysses defeats, characterizing sloth as a moral blindness. The Othea generally favors the Trojans (ancestors of Christine’s royal patrons) over Greeks, and Christine describes Ulysses with the particularly negative terms, malicious and crafty. Ulysses’s exploits were well known in the Middle Ages, but this episode does not appear in the OM. Christine’s narrative combines at least two versions, Boccaccio’s GDE 10.14, and the HA2, which provides the name Polyphemus (Parussa, p. 403n19a). For an English version of the episode, see Lydgate’s TB 5.1942–64.

11 understandynge in his wurschip. Scrope must have misread his source: BI and other manuscripts have “ou” [or] not “en” [in].

13-14 seith Hermes . . . in dewe occupacions. Christine seems to have merged similar sayings found attributed to Hermes in CV, fol. 84v; (Larke, fol. 25v) and to Sedechias in TDP, p. 910 (Dicts, pp. 8.10–12 and 9.9–11).

16 scholde not have. BI has a scribal variant not attested in Scrope or other consulted Othea manuscripts (or BI₂): “ne doit amer ne avoir” [should not love or have].

17-20 as Bede seith . . . feldes of bataile. MF, Accidia f, fol. a3r b. St. Bede the Venerable (ca. 672/3–735) was an English historian, translator, and Doctor of the Church, best known for his Ecclesiastical History of the English People. This material is taken from his writings on the Biblical book of Proverbs.

The S and L manuscripts erroneously transmit “Bedeisus,” most likely from Scrope misreading “Bede sus” [Bede in]; the M manuscript corrects the rather obvious error.

20-21 Cogitaciones robusti semper . . . in egestate erit. Proverbs 21:5; and CV, fol. 85r; Larke, fol. 26r. Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203, note that Christine emends the CV to match the Vulgate; presumably they mean including “Cogitaciones,” which the CV lacks in both the UCLA manuscript and BNF fr. 572.

While the B/B₁ Othea manuscripts also lack “semper,” that term does appear in the CV in BNF fr. 572 and in A/AI, BI, and D/DI Othea manuscripts; however, no Othea manuscript that I consulted has the Vulgate’s repeated “semper” after “piger” in the next line.


CHAPTER 20

3 Lathonna. The story of Latona’s mistreatment appears in OM 6.1636–772; the association of the churls with avarice is Christine’s invention (Parussa, p. 404n20a). On Christine’s transformation of the OM narrative of an angry woman into a commentary on class, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 203–04.

9 aboode uppon the watir. The French term “se baissa” indicates that Latona “bent down” (Parussa, 20.12), but MED, abiden (v.) typically means “to wait” (though it could perhaps indicate “stopped at” [sense 6] or “waited for” [sense 7]?).

14 in the broth. Scrope’s “in the broth” translates the French “ou palu” [in the swamp] (Parussa, 20.19); MED, broth (n.), sense d, attributes to Scrope the sole instances of the meaning “water in which frogs and toads have been.” See also appears at 20.2, 20.19.

19 broth of vilony. Scrope omits the text in other French manuscripts that, like BI, continue: “mais fuir toutes villaines taches qui sont contraires a gentillesse” [but flee all vulgar tasks that are contrary to nobility] (compare Parussa, 20.28–29).

20 vilony may not suffre gentilnes. Compare Whiting C260 and Lydgate, “Debate of the Horse, Goose, and Sheep” (MP 2:564, line 598).

22-25 He that joyneth . . . hoolden noble. TDP, p. 956; Dicts, pp. 126.3–6 and 127.2–6. Similar sentiments abound in later English literature — for example, Chaucer’s Wife of Bath’s Tale (CT III [D] 1109–76); and Lydgate’s Order of Fools (MP 2:450, lines 23–24). The claim reinforces the fact that the aristocracy must continue to perform noble actions, but it also leaves open the possibility that non-aristocratic persons may likewise behave nobly.

27-30 a covetous man . . . be satisfied. Christine combines the MF, Avaritia c, fol. b7v, and CV, fol. 96v; Larke, fol. 61v (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203). An analogue to 20.27–28 (and Bibell 20.40–41) appears in Chaucer’s Tale of Melibee (CT VII 1616–17) and its French source.

31 Insaciabilis oculus . . . non saciabitur. Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 14:9; and CV, fol. 96v; Larke, fol. 62r, omits.


CHAPTER 21

1 Bachus. OM 3.2528–85 links Bacchus to gluttony; 3.823–45 describes him more generally.

8 dronkenes. Plausibly due to eyeskip, Scrope, BI, and B/B₁, omit text from the A/AI and D/DI copies: “pour ce dit au bon chevalier que nullement ne se doit habandonner a yvresse” (A) [Thus it is said to the good knight that he should never abandon himself to drunkenness]; compare Parussa, 21.11–13; OLH, p. 60; and Bibell, 21.11–12.

thing. After this term, B/BI copies read “et grant vice” [and a great vice], which Scrope omits.

9-10 Ipocras seith that . . . and vertues. CV, fol. 90v; Larke, fol. 43v. In TDP, pp. 926–27, and Dicts, 48.22 and 49.26–27, Ypocras (Hippocrates) warns against filling the body with food and drink but does not mention the soul and virtues (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203). Hippocrates (ca. 460–ca. 370 BCE) was a Greek physician widely considered the father of Western medicine and constructed by later writers as an ideal physician. The Hippocratic Oath, which concerns the ethics of practicing medicine, is attributed to him.

12-15 Sent Gregory seith . . . be drowned togidere. MF, Gula k, fol. i6v b, and CV fol. 90v; Larke, fols. 43v–44r. Christine combines elements of the CV and MF, including the citation of Gregory’s work and certain word choices. Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203, make a similar observation, but their UCLA manuscript of the CV adds material not in BNF fr. 572, which is closer to the MF.

15-16 Quorum finis interitus . . . qui terrena sapiunt. Philippians 3:19, and CV fol. 90v; Larke, fol. 44r.

16 iii. A/AI, D/DI, BI, and thus Scrope identify the correct chapter of Philippians; B/B₁ record the fourth instead.


CHAPTER 22

1 Pymalyones ymage. OM 10.929–1074; compare RR, pp. 340–46. The Pygmalion story has often been considered one of masculine fantasy or wish-fulfillment. Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 68–69, argues that Christine condemns the misuse of sight in Pygmalion and Narcissus to counter the voyeurism encouraged by the RR; see also Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 76–83. For a Middle English interpretation of Pygmalion exemplifying boldness in love, see Gower, CA 4.364–450.

Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 60n38, observe Christine’s deliberate switching between genders for “ymage” (a masculine and feminine noun): she refers to the lifeless image with masculine terms and only switches to feminine when the statue comes to life as a human woman.

6 Cidoyne. Pygmalion was king of Cyprus, not Sidon. Parussa, p. 405n22b, theorizes that Christine erroneously derives Sidon from a separate Pygmalion, who ruled Tyre and Sidon, though both countries only appear in his grandfather’s entry, in Boccaccio’s GDE 2.49, 2.55, and 2.59.

11 ymage, which was of ston. The Othea’s statue is of stone, not ivory, as in other versions of the story: the OM 10.944, which also offers two different moralizations at 10.3560–677; the GDE 2.49; the RR, p. 340; Machaut’s FA, line 963; and, in English, Gower’s CA 4.383. Lydgate refers to Pygmalion’s statue of stone, in one of his last poems, “Testament” (MP 1:355, lines 696–97).

25 at his wille. Bühler, Epistle, p. 230, suggests “voluntarily” as the meaning here, but that would take into consideration the woman’s desires, which is not supported by Scrope’s use of the masculine pronoun “his” (not “her”). The French “a sa volenté” is ambiguous and the possessive pronoun could apply to either Pygmalion or the woman. Although modern scholars might prefer to see the woman’s agency acknowledged (see OLH, p. 61), Scrope and the Bibell translator (22.28–30) both interpret Pygmalion as getting his will or intent.

29-30 seith Abtalyn . . . to be reprevede. Neither the figure (variantly spelled “Aptalyn,” “Abtalyn,” or “Apthalin”), nor the source of the saying has been identified. A possible figure is the Jewish sage Abtalion (or Avtalyon), about whom very little is known: he is identified as a great authority, and various Jewish writings trace conventional ideas and legal opinions to him. See Neusner, Rabbinic Traditions, pp. 142–59. No text depicting Abtalion contains an analogue to Christine’s statement, it is uncertain which text might have been Christine’s source, and whether Christine may have intended the first-century BCE sage or a later namesake is unclear. Compare Bibell 22.34–35 and note.

33-35 Wherefore Sent Jerom seith . . . turment of helle. MF, Luxuria l, fol. m4v b (Electronic MF: Luxuria k); CV, fol. 87r, attributed to Gregory; Larke, fol. 33v. Christine follows the MF in attributing the saying to Jerome (Parussa, pp. 51–52; Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203; see also Lemmens in OLH, p. 137).

36-37 Voluptatem existimantes . . . suis luxuriantes. 2 Peter 2:13; and CV, fol. 87r; Larke, fol. 33v. Christine corrects the CV phrasing from the Vulgate (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203).


CHAPTER 23

In Chapters 23–34, Christine participates in the tradition that ascribes each line of the Apostles’ Creed — also known as the “twelve articles of the faith” — to one of the twelve apostles (Parussa, p. 406n23c). These twelve men were Christ’s closest disciples and teachers of his message. On varying traditions in the ordering of the Creed, see Bühler, “Apostles and the Creed,” and Epistle, pp. 145–46n36/3–5; and Gordon, “Articles of the Creed.”

Additionally, in Chapters 23–25, Christine allegorizes the classical goddesses as the figures of the Christian Holy Trinity: Diana (God the Father), Ceres (Jesus Christ), and Isis (the Holy Ghost). On this topic, see Birk, Biblical Wisdom, pp. 79–80.

1 Diane. Diana, the goddess of chastity, is commonly associated with the moon. See, for example, OM 2.1697–98 (on purity); EA, p. 371; and GDE 4.16 (Parussa, p. 406n23a). See also Chapters 63 and 69.

9 He may not . . . no chastité. TDP, p. 916; Dicts, pp. 22.11–13 and 23.10–11.

11 for Diane we schal take God of hevyn. Christine’s potentially surprising association of Diana with God the Father in fact draws directly on the OM 3.635–36 identification of Diana as the goddess who reigns in the Trinity (Parussa, p. 406n23d). However, there does not appear to be similar precedent for Christine’s readings of Ceres and Isis (Chapters 24–25). On Christine’s feminization of the trinity into three mothers, see Chance, “Christine’s Minerva,” p. 128; Kellogg, “Chivalric Mythographer,” pp. 115–16; and Birk, Biblical Wisdom, pp. 79–80.

12 any spott of unclene love. Scrope may have misread or mistranslated his source. BI, like B and B₁, reads “tache aucune, ameur de toute netteté” [any spot, lover of all purity] (Parussa, 23.19; OLH, p. 62).

12-13 foulid . . . . beleve. The terms “foulid with synne” and “to beleve” in these lines show that BI was not Scrope’s direct source: BI lacks “de peché” [with sin] and “croire” [to believe]. The former appears in the majority of manuscripts consulted; the latter is lacking in B/B₁ and BI but does appear in A/AI, D/DI, and BI₂.

14-15 Sent Petir. St. Peter was one of the first apostles and first leaders of the early Christian Church; he is traditionally considered to be the first Pope. He is sometimes called “Simon Peter” and is not to be confused with the Apostle Simon (see 32.16).


CHAPTER 24

1 Ceres. Ceres is the Roman goddess of agriculture. See, for example, OM 5.1846–48 and 3782–88; GDE 3.4; CFW, pp. 11–13; and FA, line 1671. See also the headnote to Chapter 23, above, on Christine’s female trinity.

3 abandoned. Scrope seems to identify “abandonnez” with abundance, a definition not recorded in the MED; the French term suggests generosity or perhaps devotion (DMF, abandonner; MED, abandonen; compare Epistle, pp. 147n36/17–18 and p. 214).

5 gaineyers sewe. BI has “semoient les gaagnages” [(they) sowed fields], which has an understood subject (see Parussa, 24.8; OLH, p. 63); Scrope creates a subject (farmer) from the object (fields), and this usage is the only attestation for MED, gaineier (n.), sense 1a. Bühler, Epistle, p. 36, uses the S and M spelling “gaineryes,” which typically refers to farms, but at p. 213 accepts the definition “farmers,” which corresponds to the L spelling.

8,10 habundaunte. When applied to people, this adjective means “generous,” and when applied to land, generous in the sense of “fruitful, productive” (MED, aboundaunt [adj.], sense 3).

11 Be a liberal . . . have frendes. The closest analogue to this saying in Christine’s most frequent sources is the assertion that one should use his status to get friends, attributed to Plato, in TDP, p. 957; Dicts, pp. 128.17–18 and 129.19–20. Bühler, Epistle, p. 147n36/20, cites broadly similar maxims in the CV, fol. 95v; Larke, fol. 59v; and in Caxton’s translation of Jacques Legrand’s Le livre de bonnes meurs [Book of Good Manners] (ca. 1400–1410).

15 Sent John. St. John is the apostle and brother of St. James the Greater; he is often identified as John the Evangelist, author of multiple books of the Bible, though this is disputed by modern scholars.


CHAPTER 25

1-2 Alle high vertues . . . . be sette. BI offers “Toutes vertus hantes et plantes /En toy; comme Ysis fait les plantes” [All virtues graft and plant / In yourself, as Isis made plants], where “hantes” is a spelling variant for the French verb enter [to graft a plant, to establish] (compare Parussa, 25.2–3; OLH, p. 63). Scrope has read the verb “hantes” in his source as the adjective “hautes” [high]. In line 2, French “plantes” is a noun, and Scrope either confuses it for a verb or reworks the line for rhyme.

2 Isis. Christine’s plausible sources for the goddess Isis and her associations with fertility and agriculture include Boccaccio’s CFW, pp. 18–19 and GDE 7.22; the OM 1.3450–904, passim; and the HA1 (Parussa, p. 407n25a). In the Othea, Christine treats Isis and Io (see Chapters 29–30) separately, although these are alternate names for the same figure; on the figure in Othea and City of Ladies, see Chance, “Re-membering Herself.” See also note 23.11 above on Christine’s female trinity.

4 edifie. Because the French term “edifier” can be used both for grafting and moral edification (OFD, edifiier), there is a pun throughout the chapter on grafting plants, prospering, and growing strong spiritually; MED, edifien (v.) does not attest a sense related to grafting. See also Bibell, Explanatory Notes 25.4 and 25.8.

5 graffis. Both Scrope and the Bibell translator take the French “cultivemens” (Parussa, 25.8) as a term for grafting, though the DMF, OFD, Godefroy (Dictionnaire de L’ancienne Langue Française) and Cotgrave (Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues) do not acknowledge this specific denotation for the French term, which more generally indicates the cultivation and care of plants.

8-10 O man . . . love it greetly. The source has not been located. Bühler, Epistle, p. 147n37/7–10, compares it to Dicts, pp. 10.31–33 and 11.25–27 (TDP, p. 912).

11 the good spirite. Scrope adds the subject appropriate to the allegorie. None of the French manuscripts consulted contain a noun, just “doit ressembler” [(he) should resemble]. Wyer similarly adds “the good knyght,” though neither Pigouchet nor Le Noir provides a noun.

15 hoolly in hym. BI and other French texts record “entee en soy” [grafted / established in him] (from enter, see note 25.1–2, above). Scrope likely misinterprets “entee” because “entierement” [completely] appears in the previous clause (see Parussa, 25.20; OLH, p. 63).

15-16 Sent James the Gretter. The designation “the more” distinguishes the Apostle St. James the Greater (brother of John) from the Apostle St. James “the Less;” these are distinctions in age or height, not importance.


CHAPTER 26

2 Migdas. In the OM 11.651–770 and 11.969–72, Midas is not the original judge, but he intervenes to express his disagreement with the judge’s verdict. See also Machaut, FA, lines 1689–97. The image of Midas with donkey ears was well known in the Middle Ages; Chaucer references it in his Wife of Bath’s Tale (CT III [D] 952–82).

6 god. Although L records “god,” S and M have “goddesse,” either a confusion of gender or an erroneous suggestion that both Phoebus and Pan are gods of shepherds.

9 were bothe joyned. Scrope has misread the French verb “orent joue” [had played] (BI), which refers to the two gods playing music before Midas (see Parussa, 26.14; OLH, p. 64).

12 rude. In the French, this adjective refers to Midas’s judgment, not the ears he receives as payment (compare Parussa, 26.17–18; OLH, p. 64).

18-19 A philosophre seith . . . understandith not. CV, fol. 79r, attributed to Seneca; Larke, fol. 9v.

19-20 Diogenes likenyth the fool to a stoon. TDP, p. 934, and Dicts, pp. 66.21–23 and 67.23–25. The comparison of a fool to a mole is proverbial; see Whiting F402.

22-24 Pilate . . . any spotte. Christine invents the comparison of Midas to Pilate (Parussa, p. 408n26d).

22-23 juged . . . on the gebet. BI reads “juga a prendre, lier, et pendre au gibet” [taken, bound, and hung on the gibbet] (as does Parussa, 26.33). Christine’s French verb for Christ’s being bound to the cross is “lier,” which may recall the “lire” [harp] of the glose and anticipate the “lierres” [thieves] who were punished by crucifixion. Scrope takes “lier” to indicate a comparison of Christ to the harp. CLO, p. 61n1 follows Scrope and proposes a reading of Christ as “lyre” or Word of God; see also Fowler and Hill, “Harp.” Compare Bibell 26.27–31.

26 Sent Andrewe. St. Andrew, or Andrew the Apostle, was one of the first apostles and brother to St. Peter.


CHAPTER 27

2 soulis. Although AI and B/B₁ read “armes,” Christine’s intent is to form a visual rhyme for “ames” [souls], the reading found in A, BI, and D/DI (D: “almes”); see Laidlaw, Making of the Queen’s Manuscript, online at http://www.pizan.lib.ed.ac.uk/ otea.html, OTEA.108d:22.

4 Hercules. The source for both the narrative and the allegorization of Hercules as Christ derive from the OM 7.1681–951 and 7.1952–2068. See also Chapter 3.

6-7 thei hade ben . . . he ne been. The sense in the French should be that Theseus and Pirotheus would have been ill-treated if Hercules, who had been their companion, had not helped them (compare BI; Parussa, 27.8–10; and OLH, p. 65). Scrope has muddled the translation slightly.

9 Acerberus. Scrope likely mistook the preposition “a” for the beginning of Cerberus’s name (compare 15.5 “Damazoine”); L’s differently misspelled “Cereberus” may be scribal.

10-11 for trewe . . . all on. Bühler, Epistle, p. 149n39/9–10, points to a general claim by Diogenes in Dicts, pp. 64.18–19 and 65.19–20 (TDP, p. 933) that friends have one soul in separate bodies.

11-12 And Pictagoras seith . . . diligentlye. A precise source has not been located, but the closest may be TDP, p. 1012, attributed to Pythagorus, and Dicts, pp. 272.26–27 and 273.30; TDP, p. 928, and Dicts, pp. 52.4–6 and 53.5–6, also describes Pythagoras as loving to do good deeds for his friends rather than for himself; Bühler, Epistle, p. 149n39/10–11, makes other general suggestions.

17 Sent Philip. St. Phillip was an apostle of Christ.


CHAPTER 28

1 Cadimus. The story of Cadmus defeating a serpent or dragon at a well in the course of founding Thebes occurs in the OM 3.1–204; see also OM 3.205–56, on his love of learning. As Parussa, p. 408n28a and n28b, observes, Christine diverges from the OM in her representation of the qualities of the serpent and Cadmus, and in her refusal to limit Cadmus’s love of study to sacred texts. For Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 63, Cadmus serves both as a symbol of the necessity of study and as a model of the instructive role Christine plays for her reader; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, p. 203, asserts that the serpent embodies the “pains of scholarship” in multiple works by Christine.

2-3 And that auctorised . . . . Be in thee. Scrope must have read “discipline” [instruction] for the French “disciple” [one who follows a master’s teachings], leading to the request for Cadmus’s teaching, not his disciple to be granted authority by the reader. Compare Bibell 28.2 and OLH, p. 65.

6 He sette thereynne an université. Bühler, Epistle, p. 149n39/26–27, interprets the OM 3.205–72 as indicating Cadmus’s foundation of a university.

7,9 doutede, doute. Like other French copies consulted, BI records “dompta” [overcame] and “dompter” [overcome] (Parussa, 28.10, 13). MED, douten (v.) records no similar meaning for the English verb, which denotes having anxieties or doubts. Bühler, Epistle, p. 149n40/1, speculates that Scrope’s source had the variant spelling “donter,” leading Scrope to confuse n and u; however, it seems more plausible that Scrope just mistranslated (than that the BI scribe chose “dompter” over “donter”).

10 he become a serpent himself. OM 4.5202 also depicts Cadmus’s transformation into a serpent.

13-14 Aristotill seide to Alexander. TDP, p. 970; Dicts, 162.5–6 and 163.4–6. The famous Greek philosopher Aristotle (384–322 BCE) served as tutor to Alexander the Great (356–323 BCE); Aristotle supposedly authored an advice text for Alexander, known as the Secret of Secrets, that circulated widely in the Middle Ages (but cannot be traced to his writings). Aristotle’s reputation was so strong that he is often referred to by medieval writers as simply “the philosopher.” See Gower’s CA, Book 7, for an English treatment of Aristotle’s advice to Alexander.

15-19 Cadimus . . . be strengthe. Christine’s allegorization of Cadmus as Christ’s blessed humanity is original (Parussa, p. 408n28d).

18-19 the victorie be strengthe. Although A/AI, B/B1, and D/DI texts have “parfaicte victoire” [perfect victory], both BI and BI₂ have “par force victoire” [victory by force], leading to Scrope’s alternate reading (see Parussa, 28.27).

19 Sent Thomas. St. Thomas was one of Christ’s apostles, often called “Doubting Thomas” because he initially doubted the news of Christ’s resurrection.


CHAPTER 29

2 Yoo. For Jupiter’s love for Io and her transformation into a cow, used also in Chapter 30, see OM 1.3450–796 and 3832–904, and EA, pp. 256–58. For Io’s intellectual accomplishments, see Boccaccio’s GDE 7.22 and CFW, pp. 18–19; OM 1.3902–04 mentions that she translated Greek texts, and the HA1 notes that she taught Egyptians the alphabet (Parussa, p. 409n29a). See also Chapter 25 on Isis, an alternate name for Io. Christine reshapes the OM account to highlight Io’s positive qualities and draw parallels to her own writing activities (Reno, “Feminist Aspects,” pp. 273–74; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 174–75, 208–09). On the images in illuminated manuscripts and their impact on Christine’s presentation of Io, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 217–22.

8 womman as sche was. All French copies say she became a cow and later “femme commune fu” [was a common woman (i.e., prostitute)]. Scrope has misread a manuscript abbreviation for “commune” as “comme” [as] (see also Epistle, p. 150n40/28, for an alternative interpretation). On Christine’s interpretation of a prostitute as having a positive value, see OLH, pp. 66–67n42.

11 sche₁. S and L record “sche,” but M (and Bühler) record “soo sche,” even though BI and other French copies simply read “elle” [she], and “so” is not necessary. It is possible that the M reading is a scribal clarification.

12 And. S and L have “And,” while M reads “Moreovyr,” the reading accepted by Bühler; neither term is represented in the French, and because I suspect the M scribe of tinkering with his English exemplar, without recourse to a French original, I have preferred the S and L reading.

14-16 love Yoo . . . to him. Scrope follows Christine’s glose, which aligns Io with exemplary literature and affirms the importance of the Othea as a collection of exempla (see Parussa, 29.21–25; OLH p. 66–67).

17-19 Whoso enforceth . . . in the othere. TDP, p. 915; Dicts, pp. 18.25–28 and 19.24–27.

24 Sent Bartholomewe. St. Bartholomew was one of Christ’s twelve apostles.


CHAPTER 30

3 Mercurius. For sources for the story of Mercury’s theft of Io (the cow) from Argus (who has a hundred eyes), see Chapter 29; see also Chapter 25 on Isis, another name for Io.

6 skye. Scrope’s use of “skye” for BI’s “nue” is not unusual; both words mean “cloud” (MED, skie [n.], sense 2a).

9 suspecion. Scrope’s translation mirrors BI’s peculiar substitution of “souspeçon” [suspicion] for the expected “pensee” [thought] (compare Parussa, 30.12).

15 that he deceyved hire not. The French recounts the wife’s intent to deny her husband access to his mistress (see Parussa, 30.24–26; OLH, pp. 67–68), with the key verb being “adeser,” which can have a sexual connotation (DMF, adeser, [v.], sense I.A.3). Scrope misunderstands and suggests that the wife does not want to be deceived by her husband (CLO, p. 64, also takes the passage to be about deception). See also, Bibell Explanatory Note 30.28.

21-22 Kepe you . . . be malice. TDP, p. 913; Dicts, pp. 12.35; 13.34 and 15.1.

25 Sent Mathewe. St. Matthew was one of Christ’s apostles; he is believed to be one of the Four Evangelists and author of the Bible’s Gospel of Matthew.


CHAPTER 31

1 Pirus. OM 13.1343–48 mentions Pyrrhus, but it does not record his vengeance for his father’s death; the more likely source is the HA1’s explicit treatment of his grief, desire for vengeance, and brutal killing of Polyxena at his father’s tomb (Parussa, p. 409–10n31a). For an English medieval account, see Lydgate’s TB 4.3974–4349 and 6852–74.

9 yif the fader . . . the same. Proverbial: see Whiting F80. Scrope uses a doublet for the French “vaillant” [brave], and although BI omits “le filz” [the son], Scrope’s exemplar, like BI₂ likely contained it.

9-10 The wise man . . . vengeance therefore. The source has not been identified. Bühler, Epistle, p. 151n43/10–12, suggests a resemblance to Alexander’s vengeance on the man who dealt his father a fatal wound (although Alexander brings the wounded man to his still-living father to exact the deathblow) in Dicts, pp. 176.29–32 continued on 178.1–6; 177.34–39 continued on 179.1–6 (TDP, p. 976); his other suggestion, Darius’s claim to his barons that it is a king’s right to avenge the death of another king in Dicts, pp. 192.13 and 193.15–16 (TDP, p. 982), is less persuasive.

11 There where he seith. BI and other French texts read “La ou il dit” (Parussa, 31.16), which Scrope elsewhere translates as “There where it is seide” (e.g., 34.12); at other times, he inserts Othea’s name into a similar generalized tag in gloses (e.g., 57.18–19, 58.9–10, 60.22). However, here he uses a masculine pronoun.

13 Sent James the Lesse. James the Lesser. This Apostle James is referred to as “the Lesser” to distinguish him from James the Greater (see note 25.15–16, above).


CHAPTER 32

3 Cassandra. Traditionally, Cassandra, Hector’s sister, receives prophetic visions and warns others about Troy’s impending fall, but she is ignored. Christine would have found Cassandra in the HA2, OM, and Boccaccio’s GDE 6.16, and CFW, p. 70 (Parussa, p. 410n32a). Christine emphasizes not Cassandra’s prophetic gifts but instead her devotion, wisdom, and truth-telling, perhaps because these qualities can be imitated by readers.

12 It is righte . . . his seintes. TDP, p. 928; Dicts, pp. 50.29–30 and 51.32–33. The edited TDP and majority of manuscripts read “sens humains” [human senses], but “sains,” “saints,” and “sainctes” [saints] are all common variants (Dicts, p. 334n50/29–31).

loveable. Bühler, Epistle, p. 217, defines this as “deserving of being loved” (MED, lovable [adj.1]), but the MED, lovable (adj.2) shows that it is also a straightforward translation of the French “louable” [praiseworthy].

16 Sent Symond. This figure is the Apostle St. Simon the Canaanite (not to be confused with Simon Peter or St. Peter; see note 23.14–15, above).


CHAPTER 33

2 Neptunus. Christine draws comparison between a pagan seafarer’s devotion to Neptune and a Christian knight’s devotion to God or a saint. Since she provides no narrative and few details, her source could have been any general account of Neptune.

remembre thee. Scrope’s translation of the French “reclamer” [invoke, call upon in prayer] is technically incorrect. He seems to be following the model for the textes that establish a classical figure as an exemplar for the knight; however, this texte instead uses the sailor’s relationship to Neptune as a model for the knight’s relationship to God and saints. He correctly translates forms of “reclamer” in 33.11, 33.14, and 33.16.

12-13 the wise man seith . . . good deedis. TDP, p. 928, attributed to Pythagoras; Dicts, pp. 52.12–13 and 53.14–15.

13 noyse. Scrope’s use of MED, noisen (v.), sense 3, “to believe,” is the only attestation, but it must carry this or a similar meaning because it translates the French “repute” [consider] (OLH, p. 70, uses “estimate”).

18 Sent Jude. This refers to St. Jude the Apostle, who is also referred to as Thaddeus in the Bible and in the Middle Ages, perhaps to avoid confusion with Judas Iscariot, Christ’s betrayer. Compare Bibell 33.22 and Explanatory Note.


CHAPTER 34

2 Bothe to Acropos crafte and to his spede. The expected French text reads “A Atropos et a son dart” (Parussa, 34.3; BI inserts “Et” at the beginning of the line). Scrope must have misread “dart” [spear] as “art,” leading to his use of “crafte.” He reads “son” as referring to a masculine owner rather than masculine object, which results in the misgendering of the Fate Atropos as masculine.

In the classical tradition, the Fates were three sisters who spun, measured, and clipped every person’s lifethread, with the latter task falling to Atropos. Christine’s supervised illuminated miniatures clearly mark Atropos as a woman with a bared and sagging breast, but later Othea manuscripts present a more traditional illustration of Death as a decayed body or skeleton (Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 275–76n43; see also Pigouchet’s woodcut of a skeletal Death and Wyer’s male character and skeleton woodcut). Neither Scrope nor the Bibell translator had access to a fully illustrated copy of the Othea, and both represent a male Atropos-Death.

Regardless of whether they recognized Christine’s Atropos as feminine (which is indicated textually only by one past participle ending in Parussa, 34.19), Scrope and the Bibell translator likely are influenced by the more popular iconographical and textual traditions in which Death’s personification is skeletal and presumably male (for example, Chaucer’s male Death in The Pardoner’s Tale, CT VI [C] 675–79). See Meiss, “Atropos-Mors;” Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 114–16; and Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 66–70. By contrast, Lydgate, TB 3.4925, recognizes Atropos as feminine, and FP 1.5006–19 and 3.3665–78 refers to the fates unambiguously as three sisters (by name in these instances but also elsewhere collectively as the Parcae). See also Bibell, 34.1–9; and Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language,” p. 103.

12-17 There where it . . . . if he deserve it. Representing the final line of the Creed, Christine’s Atropos reminds the reader that death leads the moral Christian to eternal salvation, to a transition from life on earth to eternal life (Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, p. 70; Akbari, “Death as Metamorphosis,” p. 302).

17 Seint Mathi. This refers to St. Matthias, the apostle who replaced Judas Iscariot (whose betrayal of Christ led to Christ’s Crucifixion and to Judas Iscariot’s suicide), though the Biblical book of the Acts of the Apostles suggests that Matthias had followed Christ from Christ’s baptism through Christ’s Ascension to Heaven after the Crucifixion.


CHAPTER 35

Chapters 35–44 allegorize the Ten Commandments. Campbell, Epître, p. 164, suggests that the citations of the Church Fathers may derive from a treatise on the Ten Commandments that has yet to be identified; Lemmens in OLH, p. 138 proposes Augustine’s Sermon 250 as Christine’s major source, but this sermon only lists the Ten Commandments (in a different order from Christine; see Augustine, Sermons on the Liturgical Seasons, pp. 123–24), without the elaborations on them that Christine attributes to Augustine. Cooper, “Fit for a Prince,” argues that Christine adapts and problematizes the commandments for aristocratic readers for whom activities like killing might be necessary to serve justice or their country’s needs.

1 Belorophon. Bellerophon appears in the OM 4.5892–995, but Christine conflates the story of Hippolytus, whose stepmother makes unwanted advances upon him, with that of Bellerophon, who finds himself in a similar predicament with Antea, the wife of his Corinthian host (Campbell, Epître, pp. 113–14; Warner, p. 48n3).

4 supporte untrouth. Scrope translates OF “encourir” [to be guilty of, risk] as ME “supporte” [maintain, sustain], which alters the force of the warning (Parussa, 35.5; OLH, p. 71). Scrope demonstrates his interpretation of OF “desloyauté” [disloyalty] by using ME “untrouth” (and, conversely, “loyauté” as “truth”) throughout this chapter. See R. Green, Crisis of Truth, on the varied meanings of “trowthe” as crucial to late medieval social and political thought.

9 To this purpose. Before the citation of Hermes, A/AI and D/DI texts contain an additional sentence, one omitted in B/BI copies due to eyeskip: “Si dit au bon chevalier que pour doubte de mort encourir ne doit faire desloyauté” [Thus it is said to the good knight that for fear of incurring death he should not commit disloyalty] (Parussa, 35.12–14; OLH, p.71). See also Bibell, 35.12–13 and Explanatory Note.

9-10 Be gladder . . . a inconvenyence. A similar saying by Hermes has not been located. Simpler assertions that it is better to die than to live in shame are attributed to Socrates in TDP, p. 944, and Dicts, pp. 94.10–11 and 95.11–12; to Aristotle in TDP, p. 971, and Dicts, pp. 162.21–22 and 163.22–23; and to Pythagoras in the CV, fol. 88r (Larke, fol. 37r).

a inconvenyence. This L reading is closer to OF “descouvenue” [impropriety] than the S and M “untrouth,” which is plausibly an error of dittography from the previous sentence.

11-12 We schal now . . . to oure purpoos. In BI, the sentence is copied in its own paragraph at the opening of fol. 50v with an ornate capital. The division title “A Prolouge to the Allegorie,” does not appear in BI or other consulted copies, may be Scrope’s own, perhaps prompted by his source’s format.

13-14 Belorophon . . . ful of trouth. The OM 4.6179–209, in which Bellerophon exemplifies the loyalty the good Christian owes to God, may have inspired Christine’s allegory (Parussa, p. 412n35c).

15-18 To this seith Seint Austin . . . al-oonly to God. Lemmens in OLH, p. 138, suggests Thomas Aquinas’s Summa theologica as the source for the specific content attributed to Augustine. In the preface to Book 6 and in Book 10.1 of The City of God (trans. McCracken et al.), Augustine discusses the divine worship due only to God. Christine’s term “latrie” (from Latin latria) stems from Augustine’s discussion and seems to have posed problems for English translators. The Bibell translation “devocioun of the hert” (35.19) seems to carry significant force and to grasp the sense of worship (though Gordon, pp. xliv–xlv, criticizes it); Scrope chooses “decré,” which carries a sense of legal force; Wyer simply opts for the cognate “latria.” The English cognate was used in religious texts of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (MED latria [n.]).

19-20 Dominum . . . soli servies. Matthew 4:10.


CHAPTER 36

1 Maymon. Both versions of the HA depict Memnon, and HA2 evokes his loyalty (Epistle, p. 153n47/7–14); his lineage is also mentioned in GDE 6.11 (Parussa, pp. 412–13n36c). The OM 12.4508 and 13.2321–436 only mentions the Trojan saga in passing as the cause of Memnon’s death and his mother Aurora’s sadness (see also Chapter 44).

6 oppressid. Scrope and BI deviate from the expected reading (in A/AI, B/B₁, and D/DI) by presenting OF “oppressez” [oppressed, overwhelmed] for “empressez” [pressed]; compare Parussa, 36.9; OLH, p. 72.

12-13 thei . . . he be good and trewe. Scrope has muddled the OF pronoun usage, which is singular in both cases and refers to “parent” [kinsman] (Parussa, 36.17); the sense should be that each prince and knight should support his kinsman, regardless of the kinsman’s rank or riches, as long as that kinsman is good and loyal. See OLH, p. 72.

15-17 And to this purpos . . . socourable to thee. TDP, p. 924, and Dicts, 41.16–17 and 43.16–17, attributed to “Rabion,” “Rabron,” or “Zabion” (Dicts: Zalon). In fact, the philosopher’s name is Zenon in the Arabic version of TDP, and he is most likely identifiable with “Zeno of Elea (ca. 490–ca. 430 BCE), a member of the Eleatic School, whose members questioned everyday perceptions of reality” (ed. Sutton, Dicts and Sayings, p. 123n7.1; see also Parussa, p. 492).

18-20 Be Maymon . . . . gwerdon. Christine equates Memnon’s loyalty to Hector with Christ’s loyalty to mankind (Parussa, p. 413n36e). Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 119–20, explains the unusual allegorization as commentary on French political instability and familial infighting.

21-24 as Seint Austin . . . stedfast trowthe. Warner, p. 50n4, notes that the injunction may derive from Augustine’s Sermon 180, which broadly warns against swearing. Lemmens in OLH, p. 138, cites Augustine’s Sermon 250 (but this only contains a list of the Ten Commandments, without elaboration) and another broad condemnation of bearing false witness in his Letter 47.

25-26 Non habebit . . . Dei sui frustra. Exodus 20:7.


CHAPTER 37

4 Leomedon. The main narrative appears in OM 7.136–242; the HA1 and HA2 contain a similar account. Parussa, p. 413n37a–b, favors the OM, noting that Laomedon’s threat likely derives from the OM 7.208–10 and that Christine incorporates details from the OM like Hercules’s participation in the quest for the Golden Fleece (see OM 7.137–45).

Lydgate, TB 1.723–804, treats the narrative briefly (without mentioning Laomedon); Gower briefly refers to this episode in CA 5.7195–210.

5 Hercules. B₁ omits Hercules, but A/AI, B, BI, and the D/DI manuscripts consulted include him.

6 Colcos. Colchis was located in the western area of the modern-day country of Georgia; it is Medea’s homeland and where Jason won the golden fleece.

8-10 to voyde . . . . conveyng. French manuscripts lead to confusion in these lines: A/AI, B₁, and D record “congeer . . . . congeement” (or a spelling variant) [banish . . . . banishment]; however, B records “convoier” [to escort] in the first instance, and BI reads “convoier . . . . convoiement” [to escort . . . . act of escorting], readings that likely appeared in the exemplar BI shared with Scrope. Scrope understands that the verb indicates the necessity that the Greeks leave, and his use of “conveyng” may intentionally point to the chapter’s core lesson about Laomedon’s poor communication skills (MED, conveien [v.], senses 1, 5). See OLH, p. 73.

11 first Troye. The city of Troy was twice destroyed by the Greeks, and this refers to its first destruction; the altercation that leads to the second destruction occurs during Hector’s lifetime after his brother Paris kidnaps Helen of Sparta, and these narrative events are treated in later chapters (e.g., 73, 75, 85, 97, etc.).

14 He is wise . . . his mouthe. TDP, p. 921 (slightly modified); Dicts, pp. 36.2 and 37.2–3. Proverbial: see Whiting T367. B/BI and Scrope advise readers to restrain the mouth; A/AI and D/DI copies, and the Bibell, substitute the tongue (Bibell, 37.20; Parussa, 37.22).

18 Sabaoth day. The idea of keeping Sunday holy was a commonplace of Christian tradition by the Middle Ages. For Christine, Laomedon exemplifies arrogance, which she links to the arrogance of disregarding God’s commandments, a lesson that could apply to all Ten Commandments (Parussa, p. 414n37d).

21 purpos. Typically, the French manuscripts use the phrase “de ce propos” [on this topic], but in here, the consulted A/AI, B/BI, and D/DI copies record “de ce repos” [on this rest]. Scrope follows the formula instead of translating “repos.”

22 Quiescite agere perverse, discite benefacere. Isaias 1:16–17. After the Scriptural quotation, only A and D of the consulted manuscripts cite the first chapter of Isaias; AI, B/B₁, BI (and BI₂) and the Scrope manuscripts, and DI lack a citation. Perhaps the in-text mention of Isaias was considered sufficient.


CHAPTER 38

4 Piramus. The legend of Pyramus and Thisbe was widespread in the Middle Ages. Christine borrows narrative details and word choices from the OM 4.229–1267 (Parussa, p. 414n38a). For English versions, see Chaucer’s LGW, lines 706–923, and Gower, CA 3.1331–494.

6 seven. L, like BI and other French copies, lists Pyramus’s age as seven; S and M record eight, likely a scribal error.

20 whitethorn. Following the OM, Christine’s lovers meet under a “morier blanc” or “mûre,” alternate spellings indicating a white mulberry tree (Parussa, 38.30 and 38.48). Scrope’s choice, MED, whit-thorn (n.), denotes the common hawthorn (Crataegus monogyna, also called Crataegus oxyacantha), which can have white blossoms. Compare note 38.33, below, and Bibell Explanatory Note, 38.29, for confusion of the French tree with a “mur” [wall].

24 wympil. BI uniquely uses the term “cuevrechief” [kerchief] for “guimple” [wimple] in other French manuscripts (compare Parussa, 38.36); the scribal innovation does not affect Scrope’s translation.

33 wal. The French “meure” in BI refers to the “meurier tout blanc” [white mulberry tree] (Scrope’s “whitethorn” — hawthorn — in 38.20), but Scrope’s confusion of “meure” with “mur” [wall] is understandable linguistically, even if it does not match his earlier translation. The Bibell translator, at 38.29 and 38.47, makes the same error.

36-37 the wise man seith . . . dewe informacion. No source has been identified. Bühler, Epistle, p. 154n50/26–8, recommends Dicts, pp. 83.1 and 120.24 as analogues, but these are only loosely related.

41 modir. Scrope and BI lack the text in B/B₁, A/AI, and D/DI that acknowledges the good deeds that we receive from our parents (compare Parussa, 38.58–59; OLH, p. 74; Bibell 38.56); the text does appear in BI₂. See Bühler, “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” pp. 125–26.

41-43 Seint Austin expoundith . . . theire necessitees. CV, fol. 82r; Larke, fol. 17v.

44 Honora . . . non obliviscaris. Ecclesiasticus 7:29; and CV, fol. 82r; Larke, fol. 17v. Christine corrects the CV wording using the Vulgate (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203), and she adds “in finem” to the B/B₁ manuscripts (the phrase is not in the CV, Vulgate, or A/AI, BI, and DI manuscripts). Although other French manuscripts, including BI₂, contain the citation of Ecclesiasticus, BI and the Scrope manuscripts omit the book’s name.


CHAPTER 39

2 Esculapyones answeris. Aesculapius is briefly mentioned in OM 2.2424–32 for his medical knowledge and great wisdom. On the plausible implication that Aesculapius has written books, see OM 2.2427 and 2.3119–20; and see Parussa, pp. 414–15n39a, and Epistle, p. 155n51/8–11. On Christine’s contrast between medicine and sorcery, see Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 117–18.

4 Circes. The famed classical enchantress who here stands in for all magic or sorcery; see Chapter 98.

12-14 Platon brent . . . and of experience. The account of Plato’s preference for science over sorcery appears in TDP, p. 925, and Dicts, pp. 44.28–33 continued on 46.1–5, and 45.31–37 continued on 47.1–4.

13 fordide. BI and other French texts express Plato’s recognition of the legitimacy of science with the verb “approuva” [approved] (Parussa, 39.19; OLH, p. 75). Scrope either misreads or chooses to repudiate magic emphatically.

16-17 seith Seint Austin . . . ne with hande. Unknown source.

18 violence, strokes, and bodili hurtes. B/B₁ contain “violente persecucion et corporelle blesseure” [violent persecution and bodily injury] (Parussa, 39.26). Scrope’s translation matches BI’s French: “violence, percussion, et corporelle bleceure” [violence, beatings, and bodily injury]. French scribes easily confused the terms “violence” (noun) and “violente” (adjective) and “percussion” and “persecucion”: A and D/DI offer “violente percussion”; Parussa’s AI has “violence et persecucion,” while my consulted AI (Mombello’s AI₁) has “violence” and omits the other term, and BI₂ has “violence, persecucion.” The potential “error” here, at any rate, cannot be ascribed to Scrope.

19 maistres. B/BI and D/DI copies record “maistres” [masters]; Parussa, 39.28, prefers the A/AI reading “menistres” [ministers].

22-23 Gospel saith . . . gladio occidi. Apocalypse 13:10. Scrope follows the French manuscript tradition and ascribes the Scriptural quotation to Luke in error. See Bibell Explanatory Note 39.27–28.


CHAPTER 40

3 Trust not him. I have adopted the S reading; Bühler favors the M reading “Trust not to him,” but the “to” is not grammatically necessary (compare the similar phrase in 40.11–12).

4 deth of Achilles. OM 12.4305–579; both the HA1 and HA2 depict Achilles’s death as Hecuba’s revenge (Parussa, p. 415n40a). See also Chapter 93. For Hecuba as a prominent and powerful woman with an ethical justification for her actions, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 173–76. Achilles’s love for Polyxena and subsequent death occupy much of Lydgate’s attention in TB 4.

5 citesyns. For this term, BI and other French copies have “Troyens” [Trojans]. Scrope either misread “citoyen” [citizen], or he or scribes omitted “of Troye.” The S scribe seems uncharacteristically haphazard in this chapter: he erroneously uses “theire” instead of “Priantes,” then omits “hate” in 40.6, writes “tyme” for “temple” at 40.11, and omits “no” at 40.17 (see also Textual Notes).

13-14 a wise man seith . . . venge him. Unidentified source. This saying resembles, perhaps by design, the moral to the companion chapter on Achilles’s love for Polyxena (Chapter 93). In Les Enseignemens Moraux #30, Christine similarly cautions, “Aimes qui te tient a ami / Et te gard de ton anemi” [Love whomever you have as a friend, and guard yourself against your enemy] (ed. Roy, 3:32). Bühler, Epistle, p. 156n52/24–26, cites several broadly analogous quotations in the Dicts.

15-16 As in him . . . vengeaunce of God. Christine relates fornication to treason in general; just as one should fear Hecuba’s vengeance so should one fear the vengeance of a wronged God (Parussa, pp. 415–16n40b).

18 myschef. See Bibell Explanatory Note 40.24, on the Latin root for OF “mechié” [adultery] and the easy confusion with “mischief.” MED, mischef (n.), sense 4 pertains primarily to general sin and wickedness but indicates that the term can be used to indicate adultery, with a few examples that context shows are adulterous (e.g., Mars and Venus, Guinevere and Lancelot, and this one).

19 Isodre. Isidore of Seville (ca. 560–636), one of the Church Fathers and an influential theologian and historian, today best known for his encyclopedic reference work Etymologiae [Etymologies]. The source for this statement is unidentified. For similar discussions of adultery, Bühler, Epistle, p. 156n53/1, directs readers to Isidore ’s commentary on fornication (Sententiarum libri, 2.39, in Migne, 83:640–43); Lemmens in OLH, p. 139, points to Etymologies, trans. Barney et al., 5.26.13.

20-21 Morte moriantur, mechus et adultera. Leviticus 20:10.


CHAPTER 41

1 Buissieres. Busiris’s cruelty was well known: OM 9.717–20, GDE 10.26, Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy (ed. Green, 2.pr.6), and the HA1 call attention to his sacrifices of guests and his murderous nature (Parussa, p. 416n41a). Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 176–78, discuss how Christine’s images further underscore his cruelty.

9-10 to councel the good knyght. BI and other consulted copies read “au bon conseiller” [to the good counselor] (Parussa, 41.14). Scrope’s translation attempts to capture his exemplar and match the formula that typically advises the “bon chevalier” [good knight].

10 If thi prince . . . good examples. TDP, p. 962, assigned to Plato and modified by Christine; and Dicts, pp. 140.23–24 and 141.24–25.

13-15 Seint Austin . . . withoute reson. Bühler, Epistle, p. 156n53/23–6 observes that the discussion resembles that in Royster, “Treatise on the Ten Commandments,” pp. 29–30, though Royster’s Middle English text post-dates the Othea; any source Christine might have used has not been identified.

14 al sacrilege. S and M record “as sacrilege,” which is surely a scribal error for “al sacrilege,” and not a translation error, since BI and French copies read “tout sacrilege” [all sacrilege]; this section falls within a large lacuna in L.

16 Qui furabatur, iam non furetur. Ephesians 4:28.


CHAPTER 42

4 Leander. See OM 4.3150–586, and Machaut, Judgment of the King of Navarre, ed. Palmer, lines 3221–307 (especially lines 3289–93). On Hero and Leander in Christine’s works generally, see Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 173–74.

6 the two maners. Like Scrope, BI specifies “les deux amnoirs [sic]” [the two manors], whereas other French copies consulted, including BI₂, simply say “les manoirs” (Parussa, 42.9).

7-8 swymmyng . . . bankeside. Scrope translates this passage omitted by BI (compare Parussa, 42.10–11). See Bühler, “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 127.

10-11 to grete desire. Scrope omits “une nuit” [one night]; BI attributes this swim uniquely to “trop grant amour et desir” [too great a love and desire], while Scrope’s translation reflects the expected reading “trop grant desir” [too great a desire] (compare Parussa, 42.15–16; OLH, p. 77).

11 possid. Both S and M reflect this alternate spelling of MED, pushen (v.), sense 1c which means to push, shove, and, specifically of the sea, toss about.

12 Sche. French copies, including BI, specify Hero’s name (Parussa, 42.19).

17-19 I merveile . . . is everlasting. The likeliest source seems to be the claim attributed to Socrates in TDP, p. 939 (Dicts, pp. 80.25–27 and 81.27–30), which marvels at people’s preference for the transitory goods of this world over the perpetual goods of the next. Bühler, Epistle, p. 157n54/19–21, lists a range of other analogues.

22-24 And Seint Austin seith . . . dissymilacions to othir. Bühler, Epistle, p. 157n54/26, again notes a similarity in a Middle English treatise (ed. Royster, “Treatise on the Ten Commandments,” pp. 26–27), that associates Augustine with warnings against backbiting (see also note 41.13–15 above).

23-24 fals accusacions . . . dissymilacions. Scrope omits “murmuracion” [complaint] from the list in French B/BI texts. For “diffamacion” [defamation], he uses “dissymilacions,” a more general term for dishonesty and deception; perhaps he considered slander and defamation to both be covered by “bakbityngis” [detraction, slander]. See Parussa, 42.34–36; and OLH, p. 78).

24-27 Isodore seith . . . agens him. Isidore: MF, Testimonium d, fol. y6r b.

24-25 sondri partes. BI and other French copies report “trois parties” [three parties] (compare Parussa, 42.37).

27 agens him. Although BI and other copies finish the allegorie with “Et pour ce dit l’Escripture” [And on this topic, Scripture says], followed by Proverbs 19:5, Scrope omits the quotation and citation. Compare Parussa, 42.41–43; Bibell 42.36–37.


CHAPTER 43

1 Helaine. OM 12.1507–10 and 1584–87, as well as both HA1 and HA2, present war with the Greeks as the direct consequence of Paris’s abduction of Helen (Parussa, p. 417n43a). See also Chapter 60. On Christine’s removing criticism of Helen, see Reno, “Feminist Aspects,” pp. 275–76. For the Paris chapters as questioning the ethics of favoring personal dreams and foolish love over political responsibility, see Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 76–78; on this chapter as discouraging the definition of masculinity as based in the exchange of or traffic in women, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 90–93.

4 Than to hide the untrouthe badly mente. BI, like B/B₁, erroneously repeats the final line of Chapter 35’s texte: “Que desloyauté encourir” [Than to be guilty of disloyalty] (Parussa, 35.5). A/AI and D/DI copies read “Que tart venir au repentir” [Than come to repent later], and B₁ has this phrase written as a correction in the margin (which leads Parussa, 43.5, to adopt the A/AI reading). Apparently, Scrope misread “encourir” [to be guilty of] as “encouvrir” [to hide] (M); the S scribe omits “hide,” perhaps in an attempt to make sense of the muddled texte.

12-14 If thou . . . made peas. TDP, p. 963; and Dicts, pp. 144.3–6 and 145.4–6.

17-18 Seint Austin seith . . . the fifthe comaundement. The source for any such claim by Augustine is unknown, but the CV, fol. 83r (compare Larke, fols. 20v–21r) discusses generally how desiring someone in the imagination or will is a greater sin than physically committing an act of fornication, and that this breaks the Lord’s commandment against coveting one’s neighbor’s wife; this discussion is followed by the same Biblical citation Christine uses below.

Both S and M identify the fifth commandment (L has a lacuna) though A/AI, B/B₁, BI, D/DI copies (including printed editions) record the sixth. In any case, all are errors, as this chapter represents the ninth commandment.

19-20 Qui viderit mulierem . . . in corde suo. Matthew 5:28 and CV, fol. 83r; Larke, fol. 21r.


CHAPTER 44

2 Aurora. OM 13.2321–436. Christine confuses Memnon, Aurora’s son whose ashes were transformed into birds, with Cygnus, who was not Aurora’s son; she may have been working from memory and not the OM itself, which frequently cites the name “Menon” (Parussa, p. 418n44b).

5,8 it. Scrope uses the neutral pronoun “it” where “she” would be more appropriate.

6 Tynus. “Tynus” may reflect Scrope’s confusion of c and t (BI: “Cynus”), but both S and M produce “Signus” at 44.9. This inconsistency is one indication that the translation never went through a process of correction.

9 Signus. After this term, B/BI copies omit a clause, due to eyeskip, that appears in A/AI and D/DI copies (compare Bibell, 44.14–15; Parussa, 44.14–16; OLH, p. 79).

10 that bi his good vertues he schulde be rejoiced and afore othir. Scrope has muddled the translation; the statement should indicate that, through his virtues, the knight should give joy to others [BI: par ses bonnes vertus resjoist les autres] (see Parussa, 44.17–18; OLH, p. 79). Following Bühler, I have adopted the M reading, which makes slightly better sense than the S reading (“for that othir”), even though M may represent a scribal emendation.

12-13 What maner . . . to thi pepill. CV, fol. 84r; Larke, fol. 23v.

17-18 Seint Austin seith . . . the seventh commaundement. The reference to a source by Augustine is unidentified.

19-20 Nolite sperare . . . nolite concupiscere. Psalms 61:11. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted provide a more specific citation of the Psalms than an intext reference to the Psalter. See also 46.33, 51.18–19, 55.33–34, 87.31, 89.20, and 96.19.


CHAPTER 45

1 Pasiphe. The OM 8.666–930 treats Pasiphaë’s transgression, including intense criticism of her desire and sexuality. On Christine’s modifications to the narrative that defend Pasiphaë and reject stereotyping women, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 137–43; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, “Scandal of Pasiphaë”; and Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 86.

2 here scool. The OF is “ton escole,” meaning “your school,” not “her school” (but compare OLH, p. 79). Christine’s original admonishes readers not to learn in their schools (i.e., actual schools or traditional male bodies of knowledge) that all women are like Pasiphäe.

13-15 For Galien . . . propirteis of them. Instead of an authoritative citation, Christine counters Pasiphaë’s negative example with the example of an intellectually accomplished woman. The Greek physician Galen (ca.129–ca.200), was considered the most authoritative medical writer throughout the Middle Ages; Cleopatra’s influence on Galen appears in the TDP, p. 1006; Dicts, pp. 256.16–18 and 257.19–21. Cleopatra has not been identified; neither Galen’s reference nor her writings provide evidence whether she may have been Cleopatra VII or any of her predecessors (Flemming, “Women, Writing and Medicine,” p. 268).

14 Clempare. This faulty spelling is found in A and B/BI Othea manuscripts, perhaps due to a TDP error; only AI records “Cleopatre” (Parussa, p. 419n45b). DI manuscripts tended to contain “Clempare,” as BNF fr. 1187, Pigouchet, and Le Noir testify, though scribal variants could occur, for example, DI₇’s “Cleupastre.”

16 For Pasiphe . . . to God. Boccaccio’s GDE 4.10 interpretation of Pasiphaë as the soul [line 6: “animam nostrum”] may have influenced Christine’s allegorie, but her explanation of the spiritual meaning differs substantially.

17-22 in hevin . . . no frute. MF, Conversio q, fol. e4r a.

19 returnid. The past tense of the majority of the sentence suggests that M’s “returnid” is preferable to S’s “retournyth.”

22-23 Revertatur . . . peccato eorum. Jeremias 36:3. None of the consulted French or English manuscripts provide the right chapter number; they all erroneously transmit “xxvi” [26] (compare Parussa, 45.38). See Textual Note.


CHAPTER 46

4 Kyng Adrastus. Parussa, p. 420n46a, considers this chapter evidence of Christine’s familiarity with the HA, which was clearly her source. In contrast, OM 9.1437–837 provides a more general account of Adrastus, Tydeus, Polynices, and the attempt to regain Thebes. The Bibell imports to the texte the notion articulated first in Christine’s glose that the good knight should mirror his behavior according to this exemplum; the translator’s glose more specifically clarifies what to remember and avoid doing.

5 Arges. The Greek city of Argos on the Peloponnesian peninsula.

19 Adrastus and two knyghtes with him. In the conclusion to the siege of Thebes in Statius, Adrastus is the only survivor from his army. The first part of the Histoire Ancienne, section xlv, which was Christine’s source, has Adrastus and Campaneus survive (BNF fr. 246, fols. 38v–46v; cited in Parussa, p. 420n46a). The presentation of survivors in the French seems to have given scribes and translators trouble: Christine’s autograph manuscripts A, B, and B₁ (though its autograph status is contested) appear to list “Adrastus lui .iii.^e de chevaliers,” a formulation that makes little sense. Some other scribes, even those who spell out numbers elsewhere, still record what appears to be “.iii.^e” (e.g., DI7 and AI); BI records “iii.^me.” The scribe of D and Pigouchet certainly interpret the confusing term as a number, recording “tierce” and “tiers,” respectively. Scrope seems to have interpreted the terms analogously to “soi tiers” [himself and two others] (OFD, tiers; compare OLH, p. 81). Compare Bibell 46.25–26.

24-25 The expositour . . . to creatures. The passage echoes many works on the analysis of dreams, but it is too vague to identify a specific source (Parussa, p. 420n46c; Campbell, Epître, p. 184). Only B/B₁ specify “fantasie de la teste” [fantasy of the head/mind]; A/AI, BI, and D/DI copies record “fantasie” (as do the Bibell and Scrope).

25 swevenyng. The S “swevenyng” and the M “shewynge” both evoke prophetic dreams or visions; it is impossible to know which may have been Scrope’s original translation of the French “demonstrance” [manifestation, portent?].

26 schold take hede. This accurately translates the sense of the French, but it loses the original’s evocation of using an exemplum as a mirror; BI: “se doit mirer en” [he should see himself in].

29 Tobie. Bühler, Epistle, p. 159n58/31, identifies an allusion to Vulgate book of Tobias; in Tobias, Chapters 5–12, Tobias welcomes a traveling companion and guide, without knowing that he is traveling with the angel Raphael.

30-32 tho the which . . . in hering. MF, Contemplatio b, fol. d8r a.

33 Meditabor . . . que dilexi. Psalms 118:47. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted provide a more specific citation of the Psalms than an intext reference to the Psalter.


CHAPTER 47

1-4 With Cupido . . . . to be do. The idea that love ennobles the man and spurs him to good, chivalrous deeds is a commonplace of courtly poetry. Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 55–56, analyze “measured conduct” as a crucial feature of ideal masculinity.

9 For a philozophre seith . . . noblesse of herte. Unidentified source.

10-11 it may be take be penaunce. Christine’s glose exposition is original, compared to the OM, although the allegorie’s association of the god of love with penance is not entirely surprising, since the OM 1.3297–302 allegorizes Cupid as God (Parussa, p. 420n47a).

11 and a feighter. This phrase is Scrope’s attempt to make sense of his source’s “batailleur,” which looks like a noun [fighter] but in this grammatical structure functions as an adjective [valiant] (see Parussa, 47.18; DMF, batailleur).

12 joyned. Scrope mistranslates “jeune” [young].

14-19 What word . . . agen with me. Although Christine cites Bernard of Clairvaux, the actual source is Anselm of Canterbury’s Cur deus homo [Why God was Man] (Lemmens in OLH, p. 140).

19-21 Non corruptibilibus . . . Jhesu Cristi. 1 Peter 1:18–19.


CHAPTER 48

1 Corinis, the feire, note may thou noughte. The OM 2.2130–622, presents Coronis as unfaithful to Phoebus; see also EA, p. 345 (Parussa, p. 421n48a). In contrast, Christine does not specify whether the accusation is true. Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 86–87, argues that Christine instead focuses on the need to protect oneself from the senses and from foolish love. Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 169–73, read the chapter as a criticism of domestic violence and male murder of a female partner. See also Chapter 52.

Scrope apparently misread the first word of the line “N’occis pas Corinis le belle” [Do not kill Coronis the fair] as the imperative of “noter” (Epistle, p. 160n60/2–5).

3 ravin, for if thou it slee. The raven was Phoebus’s servant, and Christine uses the masculine term “corbel” for it, which will be important for reading the French grammar of Chapter 52, where the raven interacts with Minerva’s servant the crow, for whom Christine uses the feminine noun “corneille,” and masculine and feminine pronouns are essential to understanding the story. Both terms could technically refer to a crow, and there is no clear distinction in English between raven and crow. In Middle English accounts, the crow was often identified as Phoebus’s servant, e.g., Chaucer’s Manciple’s Tale; Gower’s CA 3.783–817, depicts a white bird named Corvus [Latin: raven] who is called a raven after his transformation (3.812). Classical mythology specifies that the raven was Phoebus’s servant and the crow was Minerva’s (Ovid, Metamorphoses, trans. Lombardo, 2.593–635).

Both the Bibell and Scrope maintain the distinction, here and in Chapter 52, between the French nouns “corbel” [raven] and “corneille” [crow], though Scrope is less distinct in pronoun usage (Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language,” pp. 103–05). In this line, Scrope has misunderstood the pronoun in “se l’occioies” [if you kill her] as referring to the raven, instead of to Coronis, who is obviously the figure killed in the glose narrative.

19-20 a reportoure . . . seith them. TDP, p. 916; Dicts, pp. 20.17–20 and 21.16–18.

22-33 For as Seint Austin seith . . . . jugement of God. Unidentified source. In Confessions, Book 10, Augustine imagines the sensory organs as doors or entryways that contribute to memory but without Christine’s sense of warning. Lemmens in OLH, pp. 140–41, points to a sermon by Guillaume d’Auvergne, Bishop of Paris from 1228–1249, as a possible source circulating in contemporary oral sermons, citing a general analogy between the five gates to the soul and the five senses. Yet the association of the senses with gates, doors, and entryways of the soul is widespread in the Church Fathers and other religious writers; it seems to have been commonplace by the fourteenth century (Vinge, The Five Senses, pp. 63–68). See also Fera, “Metaphors for the Five Senses,” pp. 713–14; and Barratt, “The Five Wits.”

28 wiseli. The French term is “rassisement” [calmly]; Scrope perhaps mistook it for an adverb related to reason (compare OLH, p. 83).

31 or taste. Scrope’s addition of taste appears to be his contribution, as it is not present in BI or other consulted manuscripts.

34-35 Cum custodia . . . vita procedit. Proverbs 4:23. B/BI manuscripts read “Cum,” but A/AI and most D/DI texts consulted transmit “Omni,” which is the Vulgate reading (see also Bibell Explanatory Note 48.41).


CHAPTER 49

1 Juno. Juno, wife of Jupiter, is commonly represented as the goddess of riches; see OM 1.4110–11. She is also commonly portrayed as vengeful. See also Chapters 17, 20, 30, 60, 62, 73, and 86.

8 the note is better than the schelle. Proverbial: see Whiting N190. The commonplace medieval admonition to value the kernel over the shell (or wheat over chaff) refers to the integumentum, the rhetorical act of concealing allegorical meaning within the trappings of literal narrative (see CT II [B¹] 701–02, VII 3443, X [I] 35–36). See Wetherbee, Platonism and Poetry, pp. 36–48; and Robertson, Preface to Chaucer, pp. 58, 316–17. Christine applies it to warn the knight not to value empty external riches but rather to prioritize the practice of arms and thereby demonstrate internal virtues. Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 62–63, reads the chapter as an allegory that minimizes the pursuit of worldly goods and as a prime example of Christine’s desire to teach her reader to value the moral level of her writings more than the narrative level.

10-12 it is better . . . voyde and deceyvabill. TDP, p. 913, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 14.22–24 and 15.20–22. The Bibell’s “ryches transitorye” translates the A/AI reading transmitted in D/DI manuscripts, “richesses deffaillentes,” whereas Scrope’s “richessis voyde and deceyvabill” translates the B/BI tradition of “richeces vaines et falibles.”

11 lewedly or yvill gotyn. Scrope uses this doublet to translate the French “laidement,” perhaps to avoid choosing one possible meaning and reflect the range of possibilities for the term, which can mean sinfully, shamefully, and dishonestly (DMF, laidement [adv.]).

15-17 O sone of Adam . . . nedis leve them. MF, Divitie y, fol. g3v a.

18 sonner. Scrope’s term derives from the B/BI manuscript reading “plus tost” [sooner]; compare Bibell 49.22 and Explanatory Note.

20 yvill possessions. Scrope seems to have read “mauvais possessions” [evil possessions] instead of “mondaines possessions” [earthly possessions], the reading in BI and other French copies.

23-24 Facilius est . . . in regnum celorum. Matthew 19:24.


CHAPTER 50

1 Amphoras. Amphiaraus was the king of Argos whose wife persuaded him to join her brother Adrastus in the battle for Thebes (see also Chapter 46). Christine uses the HA as source for her Theban material, and this story appears in both versions (Parussa, pp. 421–22n50a). Focusing on Amphoras allows Christine to emphasize the importance of wise counsel.

10-11 as Solin seith . . . do thereaftir. TDP, p. 1007, attributed to Galen; Dicts, pp. 258.23–24 and 259.24–25. Proverbial: see Whiting C455. On Solon, see note to Pref.72, above.

13-16 And Seint Gregor seith . . . worde of God. Parussa, p. 422n50b, identifies the source as the MF, “Predicatio”, fol. r8r b, presumably indicating entry “Predicatio bd,” attributed to Origen’s Homily 39 of his Homilies on Leviticus, which compares bodily and spiritual nourishment (but stops there, without the advice to hear and retain God’s word or the comparison of a forgetful person to a stomach that vomits food). Lemmens in OLH, p. 141, notes that parallels between bodily and spiritual nourishment are common in Gregory’s sermons, citing Homily 1 of his Homilies on the Prophet Ezekiell as most similar; Bühler, Epistle, p. 161n63/8–11, points to Gregory’s Homilies on the Gospel, 1.4 (Migne,76:1092).

17-18 whan the worde . . . it may profite. For Scrope’s “wombe of mynde,” Christine uses “ventre de memoire,” which may parallel the stomach analogy that follows, or it may point to the reproductive metaphor of “womb” as a “place of development,” identified by Bühler, Epistle, p. 231. Scrope adds the notion of benefit, turning Christine’s original analogy that the mind that cannot retain God’s word is like the sick stomach into a two-part lesson: when the word is heard, it can be profitable; when it is not, the hearer is in peril (compare Parussa, 50.28–30; OLH, p. 85). Scrope may also be creating a parallel to the glose warning that wisdom is of little use to one who does not use it. Bühler, Epistle, p. 161n63/13–14, reads S’s unique version that “it may not profite” as an attempt to preserve Christine’s single-part analogy, but the lesson makes more sense without “not,” as in M and L.

20 herith prechingis and doith not thereaftir. The expected French, in BI and elsewhere, condemns the person who “ot les predicacions et ne les retient ne met a euvre” [hears preachings and neither retains them nor implements them] (Parussa 50.32–33; see also OLH, p. 85); Scrope omits the reference to retention.

21-22 Non in solo . . . de ore Dei. Matthew 4:4.


CHAPTER 51

1 Saturne. See Chapter 8. On Saturn and speech, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 60–63.

4 And grete folye therin is to presume. According to Bühler, “Scrope apparently misunderstood the French phrase ‘presumer folie’ (points to madness, etc.) in l. 4, though he seems to have got it right in [l. 8]” (Epistle, p. 161). This kind of discrepancy illustrates perhaps his struggle with Christine’s verse and certainly his lack of revision for consistency between texte and glose.

8-9 For a poete seyeth . . . looke a fooll. A/AI and D/DI manuscripts consulted attribute the saying to “un saige” [a wise man]; B/BI manuscripts credit a poet instead.

Warnings against improper speech were commonplace (see Whiting W579). Christine could have found broadly related claims attributed either to a “philozophe” or Socrates in the CV, fol. 98v (Larke, fol. 68r) or attributed to Loqman in TDP, p. 1001 (Dicts, pp. 246.12–13 and 247.12–13). The Arabian fabulist Loqman is associated with proverbial wisdom, and his name is variantly spelled “Leginon,” “Loginon,” “Legmon,” or “Logmon” in medieval texts (see also 71.23; the Bibell offers the variant “Leguroun” at 71.25). On Loqman, see Kassis, Arabic Proverbial Works, pp. 51–54; and Sutton, Dicts and Sayings, p. 138n17.1.

10-11 sadnes of speche. The French in BI is “lente de parole” [slow of speech]; compare Parussa, 51.16; OLH, p. 86.

11-16 Huwe of Seint Victoure . . . . killith many persoones. MF Loquacitas u, fol. m4r a, attributed to the Didascalicon of Hugh of Saint-Victor (1096–1141), a scholastic theologian and Augustinian canon at the Abbey of Saint-Victor in Paris; he was known for mystical treatises and other didactic works. However, the source is a tract attributed to Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux (an unnamed author once thought by scholars to have been Bernard); Christine combines it with a verse from Proverbs 25:28 (Lemmens in OLH, p. 141). See also Whiting A189 and E45.

13 bothom. The meaning conveyed may be similar, but the French in fact refers to the vessel with no “couvercle” [lid] (compare Parussa, 51.19; OLH, p. 86).

17 the soule. The erroneous repetition of “l’ame” [soule] for “la lengue” [tongue] is apparently peculiar to BI manuscripts, including both BI and BI₂.

18-19 Quis est homo . . . ne loquantur dolum. Psalms 33:13–14. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted provide a more specific citation of the Psalms than an in-text reference to the Psalter.


CHAPTER 52

1 the crowe. See Chapter 48 and OM 2.2160–454, which seems to influence Christine’s textual choices (Parussa, pp. 422–23n52a). Fumo, “Thinking upon the Crow,” provides a history of the narrative and linguistic reasons for aligning the crow (Latin: cornix) with Coronis, which may apply here as well. Perhaps one should be mindful of Chaucer’s Manciple, with his admonition, “Kepe wel thy tonge and thenk upon the crowe” (CT IX [H] 362), even though Chaucer’s narrative aligns more with Chapter 48.

his. Christine represents in French “le corbel” [the raven, masculine] and “la corneille” [the crow, feminine], and she uses gendered pronouns to distinguish each bird actor in the glose narrative. Although Scrope distinguishes raven from crow, he is inattentive to pronoun usage, leading to confusion, especially in the glose. See Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language.” The Bibell translator genders both birds masculine but inserts identification of the crow or raven for clarity.

6-8 he requyred him . . . . a liche case. Scrope has muddled the pronouns here. As the story goes, the crow entreated the raven to tell her the reason for his visit (to Phoebus), and she (the crow) attempted to persuade him (the raven) not to go by giving herself as an example, since for a similar offense, she was cast out of Minerva’s house and favor. See OLH, p. 86.

7 journay. Bühler, Epistle, p. 162n64/27, identifies Scrope’s use as a mistake because Wyer uses “errore,” but the French term “erre,” can mean “journey” (DMF, erre 1 [n.], sense A) and that sense is appropriate here (OLH, p. 86, uses “errand”).

11-12 Be no jangilloure . . . reportoure of tidinges. TDP, p. 959; Dicts, pp. 132.24–26 and 133.23–25.

14-17 As Seint Gregor seith . . . in dyvers desires. MF Consilium f, fol. d6r a; and MF Fortitudo l, fol. i1b. See also Whiting S833. The A/AI, B, and D/DI copies consulted attribute the saying correctly to Gregory’s Morals; only Scrope and BI attribute it to his Homilies.

17-18 Si intraverit . . . servabit te. Proverbs 2:10–11.


CHAPTER 53

4 Ganymedes. Christine confuses the fates of Ganymede and Hyacinthus, whose stories seamlessly follow each other in the OM 10.738–752 and 10.753–878, and Hyacinthus is not named until 10.872 (Parussa, p. 423n53a). On the possible implications of the conflation, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, and Visuality, pp. 112–18.

6 a barre of iryn. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards note that the “iron bar” should be understood as a discus because Ovid uses “discus,” and it is the only throwing implement that could rebound to cause a fatal injury (OLH, p. 87n48).

9-10 the strif . . . greet inconveniencie. CV, fol. 85r, modified by Christine (she also uses this material in the allegorie of Chapter 60); Larke, fol. 27v. The warning against striving with someone of greater strength was commonplace (Chaucer, CT VII 1481–83; Whiting M86).

11-12 To be bisi . . . ende is angre. TDP, p. 1016, unattributed; Dicts, p. 285.8–9.

15-19 Seint Gregori . . . . discrete than himsilf. MF, Abstinentia m, fol. a2r a.

19-20 Proverbis, Ubi . . . cum concilio. Although A/AI, B₁, and D/DI manuscripts record two separate proverbial statements, the French B and BI manuscripts, and likewise Scrope, have combined them into one. Compare the Bibell 53.24–25; Parussa, 53.28–31; OLH, p. 88.

The source for the first Latin statement (from which B/BI, and Scrope take only two words) is Proverbs 24:6 (see also Proverbs 11:14; Whiting C451). The second Latin statement (from which B/BI, and Scrope take only the first four words) is a common proverb, perhaps drawing on Ecclesiasticus 32:24, that also appears in Chaucer’s Miller’s Tale, Merchant’s Tale, and Tale of Melibee (CT I [A] 3530, IV [E] 1485–86, and VII 1003); see Bühler, “Wirk alle thyng by conseil,” “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 125, and Whiting C470.


CHAPTER 54

1 Jason. OM 7.8–1506 recounts Jason’s search for the fleece, his betrayal of Medea, and her vengeance; the HA1 and HA2 are possible sources, too (Parussa, pp. 423–24n54a). See also Chapters 37 and 58. For English accounts, see CA 5.3247–4229, LGW, lines 1580–679, and Lydgate, FP 1.2171–401.

4 right yvil guerdon and harde. Like Chaucer’s LGW, lines 1580–1679, Christine emphasizes Jason’s mistreatment of Medea (see also Chapter 58).

14 frende. The French refers to Jason and Medea as “amis,” which can mean “friends” but more likely in this case indicates “lovers.” MED, frend (n.), sense 3, expresses uncertainty about whether the ME term can indicate lover.

16 unknowing. Bühler, Epistle, p. 228, translates this term as “ignorance,” which is its more common Middle English meaning; however, it should mean “ungrateful” (MED, unknouen [v.], sense 6c). Scrope uses “unknowing” here and in 54.24–25 to translate the French “descongnoissant” which has the primary meaning of “ungrateful” (but can also mean “ignorant”) and, in the allegorie, “ingrat” [ungrateful] and “ingratitude” [ungratefulness] (DMF desconnoissant [adj.]; ingrat [adj.]; ingratitude [n.]).

21-22 Hermes seith . . . theruppon. Broadly similar advice to not delay in doing well for those who deserve it appears attributed to Plato in TDP, p. 955; Dicts, pp. 122.19–21 and 123.18–20. Alternately, perhaps Christine inverts the sentiment that she uses in Chapter 82 from Hermes, which advises not to hesitate to punish those who deserve it, in TDP, p. 919; Dicts, pp. 30.1–2 and 31.1–2.

21 remembre. The French term is “remunerer” [reward] (BI and Parussa, 54.31).

24-28 And Seint Bernarde . . . ryver of merci. MF, Ingratitudo b, fol. k7r b; CV fol. 82r; Larke, fol. 18r. Christine follows the Latin MF rather than the French CV (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203).

27 as nought. The original French was “comme vent sec” [as dry wind] (Parussa, 54.39). An error in BI suggests that Scrope’s source read “comme nient sec,” and since “nient” means “nothing” or “something worthless,” that would explain Scrope’s translation (DMF, néant [n.], senses IA and IB).

28-29 Ingrati enim . . . aqua supervacua. Wisdom 16:29; CV, fol. 82r; Larke, fol. 18r. Christine corrects the CV using the Vulgate (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203).


CHAPTER 55

1 Gorgon. In classical myth, “Gorgon” refers to any of three sisters with hair made of venomous snakes and a face that could turn men to stone; the best known, who is killed by Perseus, is more commonly referred to by her individual name, Medusa. In the OM 4.5637–713, GDE 10.11, and other mythographic sources, Neptune rapes Medusa in Pallas’s Temple, and Pallas transforms Medusa. On Medusa and Christine’s strategy of allegorizing women to avoid misogynist stereotypes, see Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 84–88.

2 loke not him uppon. On Scrope mistakenly gendering Medusa as male through inattention to French pronouns, see Schieberle, “Rethinking Gender and Language,” pp. 102–03.

3 Persyval. Scrope’s transformation of Perseus into Persyval is unique and unexplained (see also Chapter 5).

9 the worthi knyght. As Bühler, Epistle, p. 164n68/3–4, notes, “the worthi knyght” indicates that Scrope’s source contained the phrase “le vaillant cheualier” [the valiant knight], absent in BI, so BI was clearly not the source.

12 his hede. Again, Scrope’s translation of pronouns is imprecise — in “le chief,” “le” is masculine to modify the masculine noun, not because the owner is masculine. M corrects the error (but does not correct the similar error in 55.2).

13 greet bounté. The French is “grant bonté” [great goodness] (BI); L contains the direct cognate “bounté,” suggesting that S and M scribes may have misread the term (or anticipated repetition of the “beauté” in 55.5).

15 in the marchis to theire neghboris. A more efficient translation of “aux marches voisines” (BI; Parussa, 55.22–23) would be “to the neighboring regions.”

20-22 myghte be . . . fro that wil. Scrope adds the man’s role; the French simply reports the woman as an alternative interpretation of Gorgon (Parussa, 55.29–31; OLH, p. 89).

24-25 Fle pepil . . . in there werkis. TDP, pp. 968–69, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 156.29–30 and 157.31–32.

28 delites. Only B₁ transmits “vices” [vices] here — all A/AI, B/BI and D/DI manuscripts consulted have “delices” [pleasures].

28-30 Crisostom . . . to be. S and L attribute this material to Aristotle and commit an eyeskip error from the first “as impossible” to the second; S also substitutes “corrupcion” for “compunccion” (see Textual Note). Bühler, Epistle, pp. 164–65n69/1–7, concludes that Scrope originally produced “Aristotle” and that M represents his final corrections. However, the numerous remaining errors indicate that Scrope never engaged in large-scale corrections; it seems more likely that the S and L scribes simply miscopied.

29-32 as impossible . . . enlargith it. MF, Delicie f, fol. f4v a. The B₁ warning against vices is a unique variant; all other consulted copies, like the Bibell and Scrope’s translation, warn readers against “delites” [delights].

33-34 seith . . . metent. Psalms 125:5. This is the only scriptural citation complete in L, translated into English, in the same scribal hand as the rest of the text: “seyth Holy Scripture: They that sowyn in wepyng shal repyn in lawyng.” Warner speculates that the scribe was ignorant of Latin (many times the L scribe writes the first word or so, often garbled, of a Latin citation before stopping) or that Scrope intended to supply translations, perhaps from the Wycliffite Bible (Warner, p. xx). However, Warner lacked access to the completed Latin citations in S and M, which indicate that Scrope did not translate them. Whether the L scribe was waiting for rubrication or had considered adding translations himself cannot be judged. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted cite the biblical source; the A manuscript omits the quotation altogether.


CHAPTER 56

1-4 If that . . . . overleid. OM 4.1283–371.

4 Vulcans. The French texts give the Latinate “Vulcanus.”

4,8 lyemes, lieme. Bühler, Epistle, p. 165n69/13, reads these as erroneous translations of French “liens” [bonds, ties]. However, in the first place, the notion of ME “lime” as a snare acceptably conveys the sense of the narrative (MED, lim [n.2], sense 3b). In the second place, if we expect Scrope to go for the easy cognate “line,” it is possible that he did: the Longleat manuscript clearly reads “lyeines . . . lyeine” (fol. 40r), even including a stroke over the latter term to indicate an i, and the other two manuscripts represent minims inconsistently enough that they may well read “lyeines . . . lieine,” too.

10-11 And thus . . . his schame. OM 4.1335–41 clarifies the amused attitudes of the onlookers described in Christine’s glose (Parussa, p. 425n56a).

10 tho othere two. Scrope erroneously translates “les autres dieux” [gods] (BI) as if it were “les autres deux” [the other two].

11 such rioterys. Scrope misunderstands “tel s’en rioit” [he laughs about it] (BI). The gist seems to be that whomever would willingly be caught in the same misdeed, presumably some among the audience of gods and goddesses, laughs at the lovers’ shame (see also OLH, p. 90; CLO, p. 84, follows Scrope).

13 astronomye. Scrope uses this term to translate “arquemie” [alchemy], the reading of B/BI manuscripts (Parussa, 56.20). DI copies mention both “arquemie” and “l’science d’astronomie” [the science of astronomy] — suggesting that they were separate fields. Neither BI nor BI₂ contains reference to “astronomie,” which means it is very unlikely to have been in Scrope’s source. Christine may have intended to evoke the alchemical and astrological interpretations found in the EA, pp. 329–32 (see Parussa, p. 425n56b). It is unclear why Scrope has opted for astronomy over alchemy.

14 Mars. This reading in all manuscripts shows that Scrope misread “Mais” [But] as “Mars.”

16 unnethe . . . perceyved. Broadly similar claims appear in TDP, p. 913, attributed to Hermes, and TDP, p. 949, attributed to Socrates; Dicts, pp. 14.4–5 and 15.3–4, and Dicts, pp. 108.8–10 and 109.9–11 (Campbell, Epître, pp. 181–82; Epistle, p. 165n70/1–2).

18-26 Seint Leo the Pope . . . occupieth him therein. MF, Temptacio ak, fol. y5v a (Electronic MF: Temptacio ah), ascribed to Pope Leo I (ca. 400–461), also called Leo the Great, a Doctor of the Church. Parussa, p. 426n56d, observes that the text was modified by Christine, and possibly corrupted in her source.

24 commytteth affecions. The French is “conjecture les affeccions” [predicts desires] (BI; see also OLH, p. 91). Scrope misread his minims and c for t and translated “conjecture” as a misspelling for “commettre” [to commit]. MED, committen (v.), sense 5b, cites Scrope’s usage alone and translates this phrase as “to arouse lust.”

25 iniure. Bühler, Epistle, p. 165n70/12–15, believes Scrope’s exemplar had the French cognate “iniure” [injury] as an error for the expected French term “nuire” [harm], though that would not explain how BI correctly transmits “nuire” (compare Parussa, 56.37); it seems more likely that Scrope hastily misread the minims and assumed “iniure” was intended.

26-27 Sobrii estote . . . quem devoret. 1 Peter 5:8. Scrope follows the French tradition and erroneously cites “Secundem Petri, ultimo capitulo” [2 Peter, last chapter]; the error appears in all consulted French copies.


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1 Thamarus. This story of Thamaris appears in HA1 and HA2, with equal disdain for Cyrus (Parussa, p. 426n57a). See also Boccaccio’s CFW, pp. 104–06; City of Ladies, 1.17, (ed. Richards, pp. 42–43); and, in English, Lydgate, FP 2.3732–962. On Thamaris as an effective military strategist and just ruler, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 178–84.

4 distres. The French notes that Cyrus pays dearly for his “despris” [disdain] of Thamaris (Parussa, 57.5; OLH, p. 91).

21-22 Dispreise noon . . . be greete. CV, fol. 97r, ascribed to Cato and modified by Christine; Larke, fol. 63r (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 203). The TDP attributes broadly similar statements to Plato, p. 954, and Gregory, p. 1005; Dicts, pp. 120.4–5 and 121.4–5, and 257.1–2.

Christine emphasizes the dangers of overconfidence and of disdain for someone one assumes to be inferior. Scrope fairly represents her meaning, though he omits Plato’s clarification not to disdain anyone “pour sa petite faculté” [for his small power] (Parussa, 57.30; OLH, p. 91). In the French, “faculté” can indicate physical, moral, or intellectual capacities or strength, a term difficult to translate without limiting its meaning. Scrope, BI, and BI₂ also specify that, in 57.19, Othea advises the knight, whereas other consulted French copies do not mention her name.

25-28 John Cassian seith . . . and of charité. MF, Humilitas ar, fol. k3v a. John Cassian (ca. 360–ca. 435) was a Christian monk, ascetic, mystic, and theologian.

29-30 Quanto maior . . . invenies graciam. Ecclesiasticus 3:20; CV, fol. 97r; Larke, fol. 63r. Christine provides the citation from the Vulgate (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 204).


CHAPTER 58

1-3 enortid . . . . worschip. Here and in 58.7 and 58.13, Scrope seems to have mistaken “avorter” [to destroy] for “anorter” (“enorter”) [to incite] (DMF, avorter [v.], sense II; enhorter [v.], sense B). Christine warns not to let one’s wit be destroyed by foolish delights nor one’s “chevance” taken away; “chevance” can denote possessions or may figuratively indicate something precious to someone (DMF, chevance [n.], sense C). Scrope’s “worschip,” may draw on that figurative sense, but he opts for the literal in 58.9. See Parussa, 58.2–4 and 58.10; OLH, p. 92.

4 Mede. The story of Jason and Medea appears in almost all of Christine’s sources: OM 7.292–689; CFW, pp. 35–37; RR, pp. 228–29, lines 13229–13264; and HA2 (Parussa, p. 427n58b). See Chapters 37 and 54. On Christine’s reshaping of sources to cast Medea more favorably, see Reno, “Feminist Aspects,” pp. 274–75; Morse, Medieval Medea, pp. 214–19; and Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 10–14.

7 the. This refers to Medea’s own will, perhaps a hasty misreading of French “sa” [her] as “la” [the]; see Parussa, 58.10.

12 a man . . . he loveth. TDP, p. 955; Dicts, pp. 122.10–11 and 123.10–11.
meved. Scrope plausibly interprets the message as referring to Medea’s speedy ability to be provoked, aroused, emotionally moved, or influenced by Jason (MED, meven [v.]). However, he mistranslates the French “s’ennuye” [becomes vexed]. I take Christine’s lesson to refer to Medea suffering the consequences of loving Jason too quickly (but see also OLH, p. 92, which seems to refer to Jason’s betrayal).

15 ceced not. As Parussa, p. 282n23, notes, the A/AI reading “cessoit” [ceased] is preferable to the B/B₁ error “ne cessoit” that is evident in BI and apparently Scrope’s source as well.

15-20 For . . . of the fende. MF, Voluntas x, fol. ⁊3v a, where it is attributed to St. Bernard, though the source is a sermon by Guibertus de Nouigento. NB: the quire symbol in the citation of 1483 printed MF should be read as a Tironian nota.

18 dispoilleth. This reading from L is closer to the French “despoille” [despoil] and therefore more likely Scrope’s original than the S and M “despisith” [despises].

20-22 Virga atque . . . . matrem suam. Proverbs 29:15. The major French manuscripts of A, AI, B, and B₁ contain the error “dimitum,” which renders the phrase unintelligible (Parussa, p. 427n58e). Some copies correct the error: the Bibell, DI₇, Pigouchet, Le Noir, and Scrope’s MS S; D leaves a space. Bühler, Epistle, p. 167n72/28–30, proposes “diunctum” for BI, which is what Scrope’s MS M records (L omits Latin citations).

The substitution of “proprie” [your] to the Vulgate “suae” [your] is Christine’s and aligns the Scriptural text with her earlier references to “propre voulenté” [individual will; OLH, p. 92 “self-will”] (Parussa, 58.10, 22–23, 25); in both French and Middle English, “propre” means both the possessive pronoun “your” and an adjective that expresses the focus on the self and individual desires above all else.


CHAPTER 59

4 Acis . . . Galathé. The story of Acis, Galathea, and the giant (named Polyphemus) appears in OM 13.3689–4147 (where Polyphemus is later allegorized as the devil, at 13.4172–214), and GDE 7.17. For an English moralization of the tale as a warning against envy, see Gower’s CA 2.97–200.

6 and he was deede. The French reports that the young man was named Acis: “qui Acis estoit nommez” (Parussa, 59.8). Scrope seems to have mistaken “Acis” for a form of French “occis” [dead], despite having translated the name in 59.4.

8-9 Thanne . . . asondir. Scrope’s translation has gone awry: the passage should indicate that the giant was overcome by a sudden rage, and he shook the rock so that Acis was completely crushed. Compare Parussa, 59.11–13; OLH, p. 93.

11-12 the good knyghte . . . greve him. Unknown source; Whiting W45 is a broadly similar proverb. A/AI and D/DI manuscripts, and the Bibell, warn the knight to guard against being surprised by someone who has the power to do it (surprise him); in contrast, B/BI warn about someone who has the power and desire to grieve him.

13 Cupido. The term evokes both the God of Love and the idea of sexual desire (MED, Cupide, [n.]).

16-18 For Seint Jerom . . . the everlasting terme. MF, Tempus sive temporale d, fol. y6r a.

18 terme. The French word is “eternité” [eternity] (Parussa, 59.26; BI), though MED, terme (n.), sense 4b, suggests that readers would understand “everlasting terme” as eternity.

18-19 Transierunt nam . . . nuncius percurrens. Wisdom 5:9. Most of the French manuscripts record “omnia” as does the Vulgate, but BI and Scrope read “nam” instead (presumably from their shared source; BI₂ preserves “omnia”).


CHAPTER 60

1 goddesse of discorde. Christine seems to have followed the account of the nuptials in OM 11.1242–2131, but the detail of Mercury revealing Paris’s parentage comes from Machaut’s FA, lines 1908–10 (Campbell, Epître, p. 100). Other versions of the story appear in the GDE 6.22, lines 2–4; and HA2 (Parussa, p. 428n60a). See also Chapters 68, 73, and 75. On the Othea’s treatment of the events, see Ehrhart, “Judgment of Paris,” pp. 133–44.

22 Othea. The French in B/B₁ records the impersonal “dit au bon chevalier” [it is said to the good knight]. Scrope, BI, and BI₂ name Othea.

23-24 Go not . . . hates growith. TDP, p. 930; Dicts, p. 56.24.

26-29 Cassiodore seith . . . greet vilonye. MF Discordia q, fol. g2r b, attributed to Cassiodorus but actually a combination of quotations, including Seneca’s De ira [On Ire]. CV, fol. 85r, attributed to Sidrac; Larke, fol. 27v. Similar warnings appear in Chaucer’s Tale of Melibee (CT VII 1480–87), including an attribution to Seneca but also one to a “comune sawe.” Scrope’s “pees” translates an error that appears in almost all Othea manuscripts; see Bibell Explanatory Note 60.31–34.

29-30 Non in contencione et emulacione. Romans 13:13; and CV, fol. 85r; Larke, fol. 27v. See also Bibell Explanatory Note 60.31–34.


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4 Leomedon. See Chapters 37 and 66.

11-12 Beware that . . . thou dispurveied. TDP, p. 918; and Dicts, pp. 26.27–28 and 27.33–34.

16-18 And thereof spekith Seint Gregori . . . of His acte. Although Christine attributes this statement to Gregory, it has not been located in his works (Parussa, p. 429n61c; Epistle, p. 168n75/27–76/2). Lemmens, in OLH, pp. 143–44, points to a broadly similar statement in Origen’s commentary on Romans 3:26, translated by Rufinus (ca. 344/345–411), a monk best known for translating Greek writings by Church Fathers into Latin.

18 mercy . . . acte. B₁ uniquely reads “misericorde de Dieu” [God’s mercy] (Parussa, 61.26–27), but BI, Scrope, B, and A/AI and D/DI manuscripts lack “de dieu” here. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, translate that “mercy is therefore still a long way off,” and note that this phrase has not been located in Gregory’s works (OLH, p. 95 and n55).

19-21 Convertamini . . . super maliciam. Joel 2:13. Scrope’s manuscripts, like the consulted copies of Christine’s Othea, erroneously cite Joel 3. BI and Scrope omit the Vulgate verse’s first word “Convertimini,” which is contained in other copies, including BI₂ (see Parussa, 61.28; Bühler, “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 126n24).


CHAPTER 62

3 discovered. While Scrope’s translation suits Semele’s narrative, Christine’s French warns readers not to get in trouble because of their deeds; see Parussa, 62.4 and OLH, p. 95.

4 Semelle. OM 3.701–810, with Christine’s alterations (Parussa, p. 430n62a).

9 knowin of him. The French term is “conjoyé” (BI), and Parussa indicates that it should be translated as “well-treated” or “treated with courtesy” by Jupiter (Parussa, 62.12 and p. 463); Scrope suggests a rather intimate, possibly sexual, familiarity (MED, knouen [v.], sense 12). Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards translate as “satisfied by him” (OLH, p. 96).

10 the love of hir love. A/AI, D, and BI manuscripts read “l’amour de son amy” [the love of her love] (BI), but B₁ and B lack “de son amy.” Compare Epistle, p. 169n79/19. See also Bibell Explanatory Note 62.12–13.

12 wel required. BI has “requis” [requested] and B₁ contains “bien . . . requis” [fully requested] (referring to Semele), but A/AI, B, and D/DI copies read “bien . . . promis” [fully promised] (referring to Jupiter); Parussa corrects to the majority reading (Parussa, 62.17).

13-14 he halsed Juno his wiif. The L manuscript reading “halsed Juno his wif” is the most accurate; S and M record that “Juno halsed his wif,” which may instead be later or scribal attempts to make sense of Scrope’s original. BI incorrectly has “elle” [she] instead of “il” [he] (compare Parussa, 62.19). Bühler proposes that a corrupt source manuscript, lacking any pronoun, led to BI’s incorrect addition and Scrope’s omission (Epistle, p. 169n76/23 and “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 128).

26-27 Schewe not . . . wel proved. TDP, p. 918; Dicts, pp. 28.8–10 and 29.8–11.

31-34 we schulde not . . . oure stedfast brethir. MF Exemplum c, fol. h6r a. Either Christine or her source manuscript misread “vigilantia” [vigilance] as “diligentia” [diligence] (Parussa, p. 430n62d).

32 freelnes. The French term is “fragilité,” for which Scrope uses the ME cognate “fragilité” to indicate physical weakness (e.g., 94.14). Here he uses “freelnes,” which can carry the additional meaning of spiritual or moral weakness (MED, frelnesse [n.], sense 2).

34 oure stedfast brethir. Scrope has misread or mistranslated. The French “nos freres enfermes” actually means the opposite: “our infirm brothers.” Christine asserts that we must ensure that our actions give no one — none of our weaker fellow humans — occasion to be suspicious.

34-35 In omnibus . . . bonorum operum. Titus 2:7. BI and DI₇ independently identify St. Paul as “l’apostre,” though the appellation does not appear in other consulted copies. Nonetheless, “the Apostle” is commonly the designation for Paul.


CHAPTER 63

2 Dyane. Diana was commonly represented as the goddess of hunting (for example, OM 1.3688–89), and Christine follows the OM 3.571–603 in using her character to admonish idleness (Parussa, p. 430n63a). See Chapters 23 and 69.

8 idilnes . . . inconveniencies. CV, fol. 84v; Larke, fol. 25v, translates “oysiveté” not as idleness but as “slepe.” See Whiting I6. Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 70–72, argues that this chapter introduces the broad danger of idleness in hunting that becomes developed more fully in Chapters 65 and 69.

10-12 Saint Gregori seith . . . som good occupacion. MF Ociositas e, fol. p3r a, attributed to Jerome. B/BI and D/DI copies cite Gregory in error, but A/AI cite Jerome. On this confusion, see Epistle, pp. 169–70n78/6–8.

11 thing. French manuscripts consulted, including BI₂, record “oeuvre” [work], not “chose” [thing], which is found in BI and Scrope.

12-13 Consideravit semitas . . . non commedit. Proverbs 31:27. Christine clearly notes that this statement is uttered about a wise woman (Parussa, 63.18–19; OLH, p. 97). The Bibell translator takes it to have been said by Solomon about a wise man; Scrope assumes the wise man himself to be speaking, assimilating the tag to suit the typical format of the “the (male) authority says.”


CHAPTER 64

2 Yragnes. Christine omits the competition between Arachne and Pallas, but there are some echoes of OM 6.1–318 (Parussa, p. 431n64a). Arachne has long been seen as a figure for women’s work and craft. See, for example, Chance, “Christine de Pizan as Literary Mother,” p. 252. Wisman, “Arachne’s Metamorphoses,” evaluates Christine’s use of sources. Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 199–203, analyze Christine’s presentation of anger and the broader issues with interpretation that are central to the Othea as a whole.
To . . . hirre. The S scribe corrects two errors in this line: he changes “The” to “To” and “him” to “hirre.” These may be scribal errors, not Scrope’s: L correctly records “To” and “hir”; M records “The” and “hire.”

6-11 schaping . . . . spynnyng and weving. Scrope’s translation process seems to evolve as the narrative develops: for BI’s “art de tyssir et de filerie” [art of weaving and spinning], Scrope initially offers “schaping, weving, and sewing” (64.6), the triplet perhaps indicating his uncertainty; after Arachne is turned into a spider, he translates “filer et tyssir,” as “weving and spynnyng” (64.9; L: “and sewyng”) and then consistently refers to weaving and spinning. One must wonder if “sewing” is an error, partially corrected in the process of translation.

8 yraigne. Both the Bibell translator and Scrope choose a cognate for the French “yraigne” [spider]; by contrast, Wyer opts for “attercoppe,” of Old English origin.

9-11 spynnyng . . . . weving. The BI scribe commits an eyeskip error that omits this text; see Bühler, “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 127.

15-17 Platon seith . . . the lesse. TDP, p. 959, attributed to Plato; Dicts, pp. 132.27–30 and 133.27–31. CV, fol. 97v, attributes half to Seneca and half to Plato (see also Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” pp. 197–98, whose CV manuscript has a less jumbled version of the statement without Plato’s name).

19-22 For Saint Austin . . . of propre conscience. MF, Iactantia b, fol. k3v b; and CV, fol. 97v (modified); Larke, fols. 65r–v. See Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” pp. 197–98, on Christine’s use of the CV, MF, and Vulgate. The Bibell (or its source) neglects to name the source text as Book 12 of Augustine’s The City of God, cited in all other consulted versions of the Othea.

22-23 Quid profuit . . . contulit vobis. Wisdom 5:8; and CV, fol. 97v; Larke, fol. 65v.


CHAPTER 65

3 Dadonius. OM 10.1960–2493, especially lines 1960–2093 and 2438–93. Christine introduces hunting as a dangerous form of idleness associated with lust in Chapter 63; here and in Chapter 69, she offers more specific examples that condemn the RR’s early depiction of idleness as a desirable noble pursuit (Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 70–72). By contrast, Lydgate, FP, 1.5767, uses Adonis to exemplify willfulness.

The French “D’Adonius” [of Adonis] leads to Scrope’s naming the figure “Dadonius.” The scribes seem particularly challenged by the name: S and M both consistently spell “Dadomus,” without the marker that otherwise identifies an i in a string of minims; L, however, uses “Dadonius” most of the time, though it appears to read “Dadamus” in 65.5. Compare Scrope 15.5 and 57.5.

11-13 prophete Sedechias . . . fle vanité. TDP, p. 909, abridged by Christine; Dicts, pp. 4.17–22 and 5.16–22. The TDP labels Sedechias a philosopher, and so do the A/AI manuscripts of the Othea. However, B/BI and D/DI manuscripts, plausibly due to a misread scribal abbreviation, call him a prophet. Parussa, p. 494, and Sutton, Dicts, p. 119n1, identify the figure as either Seth, Adam’s third son, or the Egyptian god Set.

15 oute of the wey. This translates the French “desvoyé” [diverted from the right path] (OLH, p. 98: “led astray”).

16-18 Seint Peter seith . . . bonde to him. 2 Peter 2:19.

19-20 Data est . . . tribum et populum. Apocalypse 13:7, modified by Christine to indicate that a Latin pronoun refers to “bestie” — the seven-headed demonic beast described in this chapter of the Bible.


CHAPTER 66

4 first Troie. See Chapters 37 and 61.

5 myche pepill. Although French copies, including BI, specify a “grant foison de greux” [large army of Greeks], Scrope’s translation is more general.

9 Thelamen Ayaux. The Greek mythological figure Telamon Ajax, also known as Ajax the Great or Ajax, son of Telamon; see also Chapters 80 and 94.

12 And Hermes seith . . . of thin enemyes. TDP, p. 918; Dicts, 28.1–2 and 29.1–2. CV, fol. 89v, has general warnings against the subtleties of enemies that precede the citations Christine uses in this chapter’s allegorie; Larke, fol. 41r. Christine uses a portion of this CV discussion in Chapter 96’s glose.
froo the pepil. Scrope mistranslates “l’agait” [the scheme] (BI) as “la gent” [the people].

15-19 hereto seith Saint Austin . . . findith withoute armes. CV, fol. 90r; Larke, fol. 42r. The analogy of earthly war and arms with spiritual war and virtues was fairly common, and, although the CV provides Christine’s source for associating a similar statement to Augustine, it has not been identified in his works.

19-20 Fortis armatus custodiet atrium suum. Luke 11:21; and CV, fol. 90r; Larke, fol. 42r.


CHAPTER 67

2 Orpheus. OM 10.1–195. See Chapter 70. Bühler, Epistle, p. 172n81/9–12, credits OM 10.708–17 and 11.1–10 for accounts of music moving creatures to peace.

11-12 to the sones of knyghthode. The phrase “aux filz de chevalerie” [to the sons of chivalry] appears only in B/BI copies of the Othea. A/AI and D/DI copies record “aux poursuivans chevalerie” [to (those) pursuing chivalry]; compare Bibell, 67.16.

13 an autor seith . . . the serpent. Bühler, Epistle, p. 172n81/24–5, suggests that the saying may draw on Jeremias 46:22, a prophecy of a temptress whose voice shall sound like brass.

14-15 Platon seith . . . boughte and soolde. TDP, p. 994; Dicts, pp. 226.27–29 and 227.29–31, attributed to Ptolemy.

15 that is to sey . . . soolde. This gloss on “sclave” [slave] is Scrope’s.

18-21 Seint Austin seith . . . that seeth it. MF Solitudo et tumultus a, fol. x6r a (on Augustine and Pseudo-Cyprian, see also note 1.106–09, above).

20-21 than he that hauntith it . . . than he that seeth it. To the men less inspired to sin that Christine depicts, Scrope adds the counterpoints of those who do seek pleasures and see wealth (compare Bibell, 67.23–26). Scrope’s “lesse is sterid to covetice” also shifts slightly the meaning of the French “moins sent les molestes d’avarice” [“feels less the torments of greed” (OLH, p. 100)].

22 Vigilavi . . . in tecto. Psalms 101:8. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted cite the biblical source.


CHAPTER 68

4 Parice. OM, book 12, details the Trojan saga (for Paris’s travel to Greece and abduction of Helen, see OM 12.11–797), but Christine’s likely source for this chapter is HA1 (see Parussa, p. 433n68a). See Chapters 60, 73, and 75. For English accounts of Paris’s dream, see CA 5.7408–40 and TB 2.2700–92.

9-10 Puille and Calabre . . . Litil Greece. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards clarify that the region was called “little Greece” because “at the time of the Trojans Greece did not include Apulia and Calabria” (OLH, p. 100n60). See also Epistle, p. 173n82/18–19.

10 Myrundois. Both Scrope and BI’s “Mirundois,” show scribal struggles with representing the French “Mirmidonnois” [Myrmidons] (B/B₁) — formidable Greek warriors commanded by Achilles; BI₂: “Myrondinois.” See also Bibell Explanatory Note 68.11–12.

15 Do noo thinge . . . overseen afore. TDP, p. 961; Dicts, pp. 138.13–14 and 139.14–15.

18-24 And Seint Gregor . . . is in them. MF Superbia ae, fol. y3r a (Electronic MF: Superbia af), and CV, fol. 97v–98r; Larke, fol. 65v. Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 204, argue that Christine used the MF to improve upon the CV wording (but this may hold true only for the UCLA manuscript they use, which I have not examined, but which omits the reference to Gregory’s Moralia that is in BNF fr. 572). The variants in the Bibell and in Scrope stem at least partially from the A/AI and DI reading followed by the Bibell at 68.21–26; that fuller reading is either condensed or curtailed due to eyeskip in B/BI.

18 Morallis. Scrope matches the majority of French manuscripts in citing Gregory’s Moralia; BI, clearly not his direct source, erroneously cites the Homilies (Epistle, p. 173n83/1).

20 thei noise . . . goodnesse that thei have. I have chosen the L reading for the phrase “they have of themselfe” over the S and M reading, because L follows the expected French “quant ilz ont le bien ilz reputent que ilz l’ont de eulx mesmes” [when they have something good, they claim that they have it of themselves], i.e., when they achieve something good, they believe that they earned it themselves, without God’s grace or aid (Parussa, 68.30–31; see also OLH, p. 101). The truncated S and M reading “thei noise themsilf of the goodnesse that thei have” likely represents a later attempt by Scrope or a scribe to reduce the clumsiness of the passage, without recognizing its alteration to the meaning.

25 Arroganciam . . . detestor. Proverbs 8:13, and CV, fol. 98r; Larke, fol. 65v.


CHAPTER 69

2 Antheon. OM 3.337–570 and 3.574–603 may have inspired Christine’s warning against idleness (Parussa, p. 434n69a). However, the allegories diverge, and the OM interprets both Diana and Actaeon as Christ figures (Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, p. 120). On Diana and hunting, see also Chapters 23, 63, and 65. For an English account of Actaeon’s failure to control his gaze, see Gower’s CA 1.333–78.

On Christine’s Actaeon, see Cerquiglini-Toulet, “Sexualité et politique.” Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 71–72, analyzes Actaeon as the culmination of Christine’s rebuttal of the RR depiction of idleness as an attractive and courtly attribute (see Chapters 63 and 65).

19 wylde herte. Both Scrope and the Bibell translate “cerf ramage” [antlered stag] as “wyld hert,” perhaps misreading as “cerf sauvage.”

20 receyved . . . halowid. The French terms “acuelli” (DMF, accuellir) and “envaÿ” (DMF, envahir) both indicate that Actaeon was attacked by his own dogs and men. Bühler, Epistle, p. 173n84/7, believes Scrope to have misunderstood “acuelli” (perhaps confusing it with its other meaning “to welcome”?). At any rate, Scrope seems to have minimized the violence of this scene. Middle English “halouen” is used primarily in hunting contexts to indicate pursuit of a hunted animal with shouts at the animal or at the dogs to incite them to attack, so it may not exactly translate either French term, but it seems appropriate in this context (MED, halouen).

22 drawe doune. When used of an animal, to “drawe doune” can simply mean to kill, but “drauen” can also mean to strike a blow (MED, drauen [v.], sense 4b). Given that the French term is “aterrez” [knocked to the ground] (OFD, aterrer), I have chosen a gloss for Scrope’s English — brought down — that appeals to both the English and French ranges of meaning.

24 at theire deeth. This phrase, present in A/AI, BI, and D/DI copies of the Othea consulted, does not appear in B or B₁ (compare Parussa, 69.33; OLH, p. 102).

31 devourid. Scrope repeats this term, when the French here records “destruit” [destroyed] (BI; see also Parussa, 69.44; OLH, p. 102).

32 wise man seith . . . erroure. TDP, p. 1018, without attribution; Dicts, pp. 290.19–20 and 291.21–22. Proverbial: see Whiting I6. A/AI and D match the TDP’s “Oysivete engendre ygnorance et ygnorance erreur” [Idleness engenders ignorance and ignorance, error], but B/BI and DI copies consulted omit the second “ygnorance.” Compare Bibell 69.35.
ydelnes and erroure. Like BI, Scrope’s source must have contained the mistake of repeating “oysiveté” [idleness] here instead of transmitting “ignorence” [ignorance], the expected French term (see Parussa, 69.45; OLH, p. 102).

35-39 Seint Austin seith . . . us to hevin. MF, Penitencia h, fol. q8v b.

40-41 Penetenciam agite . . . regnum celorum. Matthew 3:2.


CHAPTER 70

2 Euridice. OM 10.1–195 is Christine’s main source, but her Avision mentions other sources for the same episode: Fulgentius’s Libre des natures des dieux, Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses; the story also appears in Boccaccio’s GDE 5.12 (Parussa, pp. 434–35n70b). See also Chapter 67.

On Orpheus and Eurydice, for an extensive survey, see Friedman, Orpheus in the Middle Ages; for a brief history of the narrative, see Renaissance Tales of Desire, ed. Chiari, pp. 197–206. On Christine’s Orpheus, see Cerquiglini-Toulet, “Le nom d’Orphée;” and Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 101–12, who analyze Christine’s construction of masculine identity while avoiding the misogyny of her sources.

6 Euridice. BI and Scrope both omit the description in other French manuscripts “la belle Euridice” [the fair Euridice] (compare Parussa, 70.8; OLH, p. 103).

7-10 An herd . . . a litil while. Bühler, “Revisions and Dedications,” p. 267, discusses the deviations from the French in the L manuscript, with these lines as an example.

9 a serpente . . . undir the grasse. Whiting S153 notes the proverbial snake in the grass.

15 Pluto, Lucifer, Cerebrus, and Acharon. Pluto is the classical god of the underworld; Lucifer is a name often given by Christian writers to Satan; Cerberus is the multi-headed dog who guards the gates to the underworld; Acharon is not identified as a figure in classical mythology. Parussa, pp. 435–36n70c, posits a number of explanations for Christine’s figure named “Acaron”: confusion of the names of the river of the underworld and its ferryman Charon; the spouse of Night identified in the RR (p. 284, lines 16919–39); or a hellbeast from the Vision of Tondale.

27 wrothe. The French term “merencolie” [melancholy] — spelled thus in B₁ and BI — has a direct cognate in the English “melancholy,” but it can also indicate anger (DMF, mélancolie [n.], sense B).

27-29 Salamon seith . . . be hadde. TDP, p. 923 (with some text modified by Christine); Dicts, pp. 38.27–28 and 39.33–34. The statement is attributed to Solon in TDP and in A, AI and B. “Solomon” is a common scribal misreading for “Solon,” found in D, DI, DI₇, Scrope (even though BI reads “Solon”), and even B₁. Other consulted copies, including the printed editions, read “Solon” or “Solin.”

33-38 Goddis creature . . . . use amys. MF, Peticio b, fol. r3v b.

33,36 exaunced, exauncid. Both of these terms derive from the French verb “exaucer,” which means “to look favorably upon (a wish, request, prayer); to grant” (DMF, sense A), with a secondary meaning “to satisfy someone by giving them what they request” (DMF, sense B); see Parussa, 70.47 and 70.51. MED, exaucen (v.), “to grant a prayer,” is based on Scrope’s usages here and at 6.26, with no other attestations. MED does not acknowledge the secondary French definition, which I think suits Scrope’s 70.33 slightly better in the sense that God’s creature will not be satisfied (by God granting his request) if granting that request will lead to negative results (see also OLH, p. 103, which uses “fulfilled” here). The MED entry spelling derives from the L manuscript spelling at 70.33 “exauced,” likely because that spelling is closer to the French root.

38-39 Petitis . . . male petatis. James 4:3.


CHAPTER 71

3 Achilles. On this episode in which Ulysses locates Achilles, see OM 12.1093–163; Christine adds details such as the consecration of the abbey to the goddess Vesta and naming the king Hystrus, whereas the OM, GD and Hyginus, Fabulae, record the name Lycomède (Parussa, p. 436n71a). For an English version, see CA 5.2961–3201. On Achilles and masculinity, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 87–90. See also Chapters 40, 85, and 93.

9 some persoones parceyved him. The French in BI and other manuscripts indicates that Achilles remained there until he was grown; Scrope adds the subject “some persoones” to make sense of his mistranslation of French “parcreus” [grown] (see Parussa, 71.13; OLH, p. 104). Compare Bibell 71.11 and Explanatory Note.

10 kingis doughter. BI provides the French for this very general identification, “fille du Roy.” Most manuscripts identify her as the daughter of “Hystrus” or a corruption of that name (see Parussa, 71.14; compare Bibell, 71.12–13). Scrope’s exemplar may have been blank or too corrupted for him to hazard a guess. Compare Bibell 71.13 and Explanatory Note.

11 the Grekis knewe. Scrope omits the phrase in most French manuscripts, “par leurs sors” [from their oracles] (Parussa, 71.16); an error in BI, “par leurs sois,” suggests that Scrope’s exemplar was likely corrupted, leading him to ignore the phrase.

13 malice. Scrope uses the cognate of the French “malice,” both of which indicate a negative characteristic — usually of wickedness, ill will, or the desire to do harm (DMF, malice; MED, malice). The gentlest French definition suggests trickery and seems more appropriate here than alternatives (DMF, sense I.B). See also Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, who translate “clever” (OLH, p. 104).

15 kercheves, girdelis, and . . . juellis. Both the Bibell translator and Scrope truncate the list of ladies’ items. The full list in A/AI and D/DI copies includes rings, belts, purses, and jewels, but B/BI copies omit purses (see Parussa, 71.22 and p. 368; OLH, p. 104). BI contains “aneles” [rings], though Scrope omits the term.

18 as every thing drawith to his nature. The notion that everything draws to its nature was a commonplace of medieval literature; for example, Chaucer’s Boece, 3.m.2.39–42 and the Squire’s Tale, (CT V [F] 608–09). See also Whiting E171.

23 Legmon seith . . . deedis of armys. TDP, p. 1002, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 248.24 and 249.25–26. On the Arabian fabulist Loqman, see note 51.8–9, above.

23-24 Hermes seith . . . to greetly. TDP, p. 915; Dicts, pp. 18.6–7 and 19.5–6.

28-31 Seint Jerome seith . . . hire of blisse. The second portion of the citation appears in the MF, Gloria Eterna z (Electronic MF: Gloria Eterna y), fol. i4v b, and Labor f, fol. l7v b, each attributed to a letter of St. Jerome, but that source has not been located. The idea that all good deeds will be rewarded and all bad deeds punished seems to have been commonplace. A medieval Latin florilegium classifies the Latin statement among those taken from the fourth book of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy, but it does not appear in Boethius (Les Auctoritates Aristotelis, ed. Hamesse, opus 25, sententia 58, p. 291). See also the discussion by Lemmens, in OLH, p. 146. A similar sentiment appears in Hoccleve’s Regiment of Princes, lines 2890–91, with an accompanying Latin marginal gloss (ed. Blyth, p. 229n2890ff.).

32-33 Confortamini . . . operi vestro. 2 Paralipomenon 15:7.


CHAPTER 72

1 Athalenta. OM 10.2094–437 and 10.3956–4033; Christine omits the OM reference to the lust of certain priests and clerics (Parussa, p. 437n72a).

6 dyverse. A/AI and D/DI texts examined, including the early printed editions, read “dure” [hard, unpleasant], but B/BI read “diverse,” a term whose meanings include “uncommon,” “strange,” and even “hostile” (DMF, divers; see Parussa, p. 465; OLH, p. 105). The Bibell translator omits this sentence, perhaps as part of his streamlining process.

9-11 Athalenta . . . to dye. Compare Bibell, 72.11 and Explanatory Note.

15-18 the auctorité seith . . . such strives. Source unknown. Compare Bibell 72.15–16 and Explanatory Note.

18-19 Thessille seith . . . flee the contrarie. TDP, p. 1004; Dicts, pp. 252.30–32 and 253.34–36. Thessile refers to Basil the Great, bishop of Caesarea (Parussa, p. 493), who was a distinguished fourth-century theologian.

22-25 Seint Austin seith . . . dispite it. MF, Mundus a, fol. o7r b. The French passage (Parussa, 72.33–38) is difficult for both Scrope and the Bibell translator, who attempts a freer translation of the most challenging lines (Bibell, 72.22–24; Parussa, 72.35–38). Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards capture Augustine’s suggestion that it is better to recognize the world as problematic because it is thus easier to reject the worldly: “the more one sees it [the world] as disturbing, the less one should preoccupy oneself with it, especially when it draws one to love it rather than when it gives occasion to be despised” (OLH, p.105).

26 Si quis . . . in eo. 1 John 2:15.


CHAPTER 73

1 Parys. See Chapters 60 and 75. Christine’s account emphasizes a ruler’s obligation to make wise choices (see Ehrhart, “Judgment of Paris,” pp. 132–44). Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 73, analyzes this Venus as a counter to the lover’s ally in the RR. For English treatments of the Judgment of Paris, see CA 5.7400–35 and TB 2.2635–792.

3-4 sentences . . . . wages. In L, these lines rhyme “sentence . . . recompence,” but S and M substitute “sentences . . . wages,” which only rhyme by stretching the imagination to accept an “-es” ending as sufficient but match the other lines in terms of meter. Both “recompence” and “wages” are valid translations of the French “loyer” [reward], so it is difficult to say which may have been Scrope’s original choice. It is tempting to credit him with the rhyming version, but he has elsewhere used imperfect rhyme (e.g., 31.1–2, 39.1–2, 46.1–2, 66.1–2, etc.), so I have not emended.

14-15 good . . . lordschipis and tresoris. The French identifies Juno as the goddess of “avoir et seigneurie” [goods and authority] who dispenses the treasures of the world (Parussa, 73.20–21; OLH, p.106); Scrope has linked “seigneurie,” which can indicate lordship or status, with the treasures instead.

24 chivalrous . . . thing. Scrope misunderstands the structure of the French that indicates that Paris was not chivalrous and not interested in riches — he translates the terms correctly but misunderstands their relationship to each other (see Parussa, 73.35–36; OLH, p. 106).

26-27 The juge . . . myche yvill. TDP, p. 929; and Dicts, pp. 54.15–16 and 55.18–19.

29-33 Seint Austin spekith . . . or now yvil. MF, Iudex sive iudicium b, fol. l5r a; and CV, fol. 98r; Larke, fol. 67r.

29 Manytheiens. S and L leave a space for this word; the reading is from M. Compare “Manicheiens” (BI) and “Manichees” (A, B₁, D, DI, Pigouchet, and Le Noir); AI, the Bibell translator (73.32), and Wyer omit the term; DI₇ avoids it and substitutes “malvais juges” [wicked judges]. Manichaeism was a religion that denied God’s omnipotence and believed in a dualistic view of good and evil; it is named after its founder, Mani. Augustine had been a Manichaean before becoming skeptical of the religion and converting to Christianity, and his writings against the Manichaean religion became among his most famous works. For a succinct introduction to Manichaeism, see Coyle, “Mani, Manichaeism.”

34-35 Nolite judicare . . . Mathei vii^o capitulo. Matthew 7:1–2; the CV, fol. 98r presents the first half, as does Larke fol. 67r. The CV typically presents Scriptural quotations in Latin, which Larke retains, but the manuscript records this one in French, which Larke translates into English.


CHAPTER 74

1 Fortune. Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy and Boccaccio’s De casibus virorum illustrium [On the Falls of Famous Men] are two major sources for medieval conceptions of the allegorical figure of Fortune. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval Literature, pp. 8–34, surveys depictions of Fortune from the classical to medieval periods. Christine places her chapter on Fortune in a key position, between the Judgment of Paris, which precipitates the fall of Troy, and Othea’s lament of Paris as a failed warrior (Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 125–28).

Christine’s representation of Othea and Fortune anticipates developments in the fifteenth century in which advice authors, in particular, theorize that prudence, reason, and human moral choices can forestall Fortune’s effects on a prince (see Forhan, Political Theory, p. 105; Strohm, Politique, pp. 90–104). Moreover, the Bibell translator adapts the Othea explicitly to this literary context (Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 167–70). See also Bibell, Proh.162–65. Especially important to English discourses of Fortune is Gower’s dismissal of Fortune in CA Prol.546–49. See also Lydgate, TB 2.1–133, for a lament against Fortune that shifts into warning kings to take virtuous action to avoid destruction.

10 The cours . . . engins. “The movements of Fortune turn out to be deceptions.” Scrope has confused c and t in the French “tours” [turns] to produce “cours” [movements?] (BI: “tours”; compare Parussa, 74.15; OLH, p. 107). The source for Christine’s maxim has not been identified. Compare Bibell, 74.14 and Explanatory Note.

12-16 Therfor Bois seith . . . settith there felicité. Christine likely used a French copy of the Consolatio with the prologue by Jean de Meun (Parussa, pp. 438–39n74b), but her precise formulation is not found in Boethius; Lemmens, in OLH, p. 146, suggests a number of French contemporary sources for Christine’s variation.

Epicurus (341–270 BCE) was an ancient Greek philosopher who believed that pleasure was the highest goal in life; even though Epicurus also valued pleasures of the mind, the name “Epicurean” is often invoked to emphasize physical, worldly delights.

Boethius devotes the third book of the Consolation of Philosophy to distinguishing the goods of the world such as fame, power, and honor as false goods when compared to the supreme happiness found in God. Epicurus and his worldly delights appear in 3.pr.2, but in 3.pr.9, Boethius counters that “true and perfect happiness is that which makes a man self-sufficient, powerful, worthy of reverence and renown, and joyful” followed by the acknowledgment that worldly goods cannot provide this perfect happiness (ed. Green, p. 59). For evocations of Epicurus in Chaucer, see Boece, 3.pr.2.77–82; the depiction of the Merchant in the General Prologue (CT I [A] 336–38), and the Merchant’s association of Epicurean pleasures with January, the unhappy and cuckolded husband, in the Merchant’s Tale (IV [E] 2021–25).

13 Epituriens. On Scrope’s spelling: c’s and t’s were letters easily confused by scribes; Scrope’s original may have read “Epicuriens,” like BI does, but in my assessment, all three extant Scrope manuscripts record “Epituriens” (in disagreement with Warner, p. 84).

15 sufficiently. Scrope’s term matches BI’s “souffisanment.” The expected French term, however, is the noun “souffisant” [self-sufficient], not the adverb (see Parussa, 74.23; OLH, p. 107).
resist. Scrope’s rendering matches BI’s French “resistent,” though the other French copies consulted have “prestent” [give] (see Parussa, 74.24; OLH, p. 107).

17 Popule meus . . . te decipiunt. Isaias 3:12.


CHAPTER 75

2 Paris. See Chapters 60 and 73. Parussa, p. 439n75a, notes an allusion to Paris’s lack of aptitude in a French translation of the Heroides.

3 I take witnes above. Scrope departs from his French source both to refer to the previous chapters on Paris (Chapters 60 and 73) and to create a rhyme with English “love” (75.4). BI and other French copies read “je n’en doubt mie” [I do not doubt] (see Parussa, 75.4; OLH, p. 108).

7-9 Aristotle seide . . . in armys. Unidentified source.

13-16 liif contemplatiif . . . for to come. MF, Contemplatio k, fol. d8r b.

17-18 Optimam partem . . . in eternum. Luke 10:42. As was common in the Middle Ages, Christine conflates Mary Magdalene with Mary, the sister of Martha, who appears in Luke 10:38–42 as a figure for the contemplative, spiritual life contrasted with her sister Martha as the active, worldly life.


CHAPTER 76

3 Cephalus. OM 7.2759–3282. On Cephalus as an embodiment of male power, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 167–68.

4 wiif of Loth. Christine may have drawn the allusion to Lot’s wife from HA1 (Parussa, pp. 439–40n76a); see also the biblical account in Genesis 19.

10 and supposed. Although most MSS relay that the wife “fu en grant jalousie de doubte” [developed great jealousy out of fear] that Cephalus loved another, Scrope’s source likely recorded “jalousie et doubte” — a reading extant in B and BI— leading him to interpret “doubte” as the verb “supposed.”

20-22 Do not . . . turne uppon thiself. Christine combines two separate claims attributed to Hermes. The first draws on TDP, p. 912 (Dicts, pp. 10.35–37 and 11.29–31); it also echoes Luke 6:31. See Whiting D274. The second appears in TDP, p. 913 (Dicts, pp. 14.2–5 and 15.2–4).

25-29 For Seint John Crisostome . . . . deedis of othir. MF, Consideratio sui y, fol. d5r b; and CV, fol. 98r; Larke, fol. 67r. The MF attributes this to Chrysostum’s commentary on Matthew 7, but the original source has not been identified (Electronic MF); Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 204, cite the MF as influential on Christine’s wording.

29-30 Quid autem . . . non vides. Matthew 7:3, which also appears in CV, fol. 98v (Larke, fol. 67r), is Christine’s source. Although BI contains it, Scrope omits “autem” [and] following “trabem” [beam].


CHAPTER 77

1 Helene. HA1 and HA2 both contain Helenus’s advice (Parussa, p. 440n77a). The wise older brother Helenus contrasts sharply with his younger, foolish brother Troilus in Chapter 80 (see Hindman, Painting and Politics, p. 129).

The M scribe assumes at first that the subject is “Helayne” — Helen — instead of Helenus, until the first line of the glose; after that “Helene” and “Helayne” are used consistently for the correct figure.

5 King Priantis son of Troye. Only B/BI manuscripts identify Priam as king of Troy; A/AI and D/DI do not, accounting for the Bibell’s difference here (see 77.8).

7 but thei wold not do aftir him. BI, like most other French manuscripts, indicates instead “mais il n’en fu mie creu” [but he was not believed].

9-10 Whoso worschipith . . . everlasting pepill. TDP, p. 915, abridged by Christine; Dicts, pp. 18.25–28 and 19.24–27.
everlasting pepill. Scrope has apparently mistranslated the French, accurately recorded in BI as noting that whoever takes counsel and uses it “est perpetuel” [is everlasting]; perhaps a missing or misread abbreviation in Scrope’s exemplar is to blame.

12-15 Seint Jerome seith . . . to him. Source unknown. Bühler, Epistle, pp. 179–80n94/25–9, suggests an analogue in MF, Diabolus b, fol. f7v a, though it is attributed to Augustine.

15-17 Fidelis Deus . . . possitis sustinere. 1 Corinthians 10:13.


CHAPTER 78

3 Morpheus. In OM 11.3516–611, Morpheus informs Alcyone that her husband Ceyx is dead; Christine treats that story in Chapter 79, without Morpheus. Boccaccio’s GDE 1.31, lines 18–19, lists Morpheus as the first of Sleep’s agents; see also Machaut’s FA, lines 651–55. For Morpheus in Middle English, see Chaucer, Book of the Duchess, lines 166–230; and Assembly, where he is the narrator’s guide.

6 and causith men to dreme. This seems to be Scrope’s additional clarification; it does not derive from BI or other consulted French manuscripts. L lacks the preceding “and makith dremys,” leaving only the clarification.

8-9 ther is noon . . . of theim. The sense of this section should be “no one is wise enough to speak of it correctly, despite whatever the dream interpreters may say” (OLH, p. 110).

13-14 Thou that . . . no maner cause. TDP, p. 942; Dicts, pp. 90.3–4 and 91.4–6.

18-24 Feire son . . . . His testament. MF, Patientia d, fols. p6v b–q1r a.

25-26 Esse . . . pacienciam habe. Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 2:4. The majority of manuscripts consulted and the early printed editions, like Scrope, begin with “Esse,” but the Vulgate, DI₇, and the Bibell begin with “Omne.” Scrope omits the citation of the Biblical chapter, which does appear in BI.


CHAPTER 79

3 Alchion. OM 11.3003–787. Certain details of Christine’s account do not appear in her usual sources, so they may be original (Parussa, p. 441n79b). For a brief history of the tale, including Deschamps’s proverbial reading similar to Christine’s, see Renaissance Tales of Desire, pp. 146–57. See also Chaucer’s Book of the Duchess, lines 62–230, and CA 4.2927–3123.

5 Ceys . . . loved wel Alchion. Technically, the French conveys that Ceyx was loved well by Alcyone, not the other way around.

12 Neverthelees. This transition seems awkward and substitutes for the French “dont tant veoit” [when she saw] (BI); perhaps Scrope misread or struggled with his exemplar.
Colus. Scrope must have misread his exemplar’s “Eolus,” which is the reading in BI. Chance asserts that the Assembly of Gods poet must have known Scrope’s Epistle, because he makes the same error (p. 13n24), but the confusion of E and C was a common mistake in manuscript and early print culture: A, D, and Pigouchet read “Colus,” even though B/BI, the DI copies I have consulted, and Le Noir correctly read “Eolus.” Bühler’s notes miss the “Colus” error because he consulted Trigg’s edition of the Assembly, which silently corrects to “Eolus” (p. 180n96/23).

17 upon the seeside. Scrope’s text provides evidence that his source contained the French “sur la marine,” which is omitted in BI (but present in BI₂).

19 The ryght exposicion hereof. Although B texts read “La droite exposicion de ceste fable” [the correct exposition of this fable], BI and BI₂ both lack “ceste fable,” so Scrope’s omission is likely due to his source.

21 that had such a caas and aventure. This clause should not refer to the birds but rather to the two lovers and more accurately should be translated “and such was their fate and their fortune” (OLH, p. 112; see Parussa, 79.31–32).

22 perlious passage. The reading “perilleux passage” must have been peculiar to Scrope’s source; it is only extant in BI, while other manuscripts, including BI₂, read “perilleux voyage” [dangerous voyage].

23-24 Assaron seith . . . finde hurtis. TDP, p. 996; Dicts, pp. 232.11–12 and 233.10–11. Assaron has not been identified; the name may be a corruption of Fatima Az-Zahra, daughter of Mohammed (ed. Sutton, Dicts and Sayings, p. 138n16.1).

28-32 he is . . . . not repente thee. MF Consilium d, fol. d6r a, modified by Christine. The A/AI and D/DI versions, including the Bibell, record “v” years of famine, because Joseph advises Pharaoh two years after the famine had begun, so technically his advice only provided a remedy for five years (Genesis 45:6–11; MF Consilium d). The B/BI manuscripts transmit “vii” years, a reading introduced by Christine herself in the autograph B and B₁ manuscripts (see Parussa, pp. 312n49 and 441n79e).

28 from himsilf. Scrope uses this phrase to translate “forsenné” [out of his mind]. MED, him-self (pron.), cites a contemporary mid-fifteenth century usage of “oute of himself” to indicate “deranged, insane,” in its supplemental note, which supports Scrope’s similar usage.

30 for silver. This second appearance of “argent” most likely means “money” more generally (DMF, argent); see also OLH, p. 112.

31 seven yere. See note 79.28–32 above.

33 to the persone of Holi Chirche. The Othea (Parussa, 79.51; also BI) reports Solomon speaking “en” [in] the person of Holy Church (i.e., as its representative), not “to” the person of Holy Church (to the faithful?).

33-34 Custodi legem . . . anime tue. Proverbs 3:21–22.


CHAPTER 80

2 Troilus. Christine’s text resembles HA1, and OM 7.222–37 covers this episode (Parussa, p. 441n80a).

3-4 Truste ye . . . . sore been chargid. The sense of these lines is that one must consult experienced counselors and soldiers (see Parussa, 80.5; OLH, p. 112). Therefore, for “charged” I have adopted an apparently little-used definition, cited in Lydgate’s TB, of “to assault, charge against” (MED, chargen [v.], sense 12), which seems best to fit with Scrope’s context.

10 Thelomonaialles. This is Scrope’s confusion of the French “Thelamon Ayaulx” [Telamon Ajax]; BI similarly has run the names together as “thelamonaiaux.” See also 66.9 and Chapter 94.

14 proverbes. The French term in BI and elsewhere is “provoires” [priests] (Parussa, p. 475). Scrope’s error has the effect of amplifying Troilus’s foolishness, since Troilus appears to reject proverbs in a text designed to exemplify proverbs and other authoritative advice.

17-18 not holde . . . considere. It is common in medieval romances for the youth to advocate war while the elderly, knowing how easy it is to begin war, but difficult to stop it, caution against it. Compare Prudence in Chaucer’s Tale of Melibee (CT VII 1035–47), where the youth cry out for war, the “olde wise” warn against it, and Prudence advises against hate (1050 ff.). The passage has poignant resonance in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries because both Richard II and Henry VI were boy kings whose reigns illustrate various problems that arise when “a childe is kinge” (see 80.18–19).

18-19 An autorité seith . . . lande is unhappy. CV, fol. 93v, attributed to Seneca; Larke, fol. 50v–51r. See also Ecclesiastes 10:16; Whiting W436. Christine uses “prince,” which Scrope translates as “kinge,” in contrast to the Bibell translator’s broader rendering “governour.”

22-25 Seint Austin seith . . . . awey be wiisdom. MF Ignorantia b, fol. k5r a (though actually from St. Bernard); Whiting I8.

24 myschaunce. The correct French reading, transmitted in A/AI, B, and BI, is “meschante” [evil, harmful]. Scrope has misread, but at least he is in good company: “meschance” [misfortune] does appear as a variant in some French manuscripts, including B₁ (see Parussa, 80.35).

25 softer. Scrope’s translation completely misinterprets the reading in BI and other French manuscripts of “plus moleste” [more harmful].

26-27 Sapienciam . . . memoriam. Wisdom 10:8. B/BI, and thus Scrope, erroneously read “non tamen” [not however] for “non tantum” [not only] (compare Bibell 80.26–27). For Scrope’s “fuerent” [they were], B/BI have “reliquerent” [they left], so Scrope may have misread his source.


CHAPTER 81

1 Calcas. Christine’s source is the HA2 expansion based on Benoît’s Roman de Troie (Parussa, p. 442n81a). Calchas is the father of Briseida/Criseyde. See RT, Résumé du Poème, lines 337–588. For an overview of Calchas’s role in the Trojan tragedy, see RT, lines 337–624, and for the details of his defection to the Greeks that is the focus of this chapter, see RT, lines 5817–5920; for an English translation, see Roman de Troie, trans. Burgess and Kelly, pp. 47–50 and 112–13. Compare Bibell, Chapter 81, for an even harsh critique; see also Lydgate’s condemnations of Calchas in TB 2.5976–6204, 3.3718–41, and 4.6023–51.
fals deceites. The French term “complices” [accomplices], used in BI and other manuscripts, had a direct cognate witnessed in Middle English as early as 1430 and through 1600, according to MED, complice (n.). It seems likely that Scrope here deliberately diverges from his source text to emphasize Calchas’s deceitfulness.

9 Delphos. Delphos (now known as Delos) was the mythological birthplace of Apollo and the high priestess of the temple to Apollo there was believed to be an oracle who could deliver answers from the god to petitioners.

11 distourbled. Scrope translates the French B/BI reading “destourba,” but the Bibell’s “letted” (81.14) represents the A/AI and D/DI reading “destourna”; in both French and English, the words have closely related meanings, “to trouble” or “to hinder,” respectively.

14-16 Platon seith . . . riche and unknowing. TDP, p. 960, attributed to Plato, is similar; Dicts, pp. 136.11–12 and 137.12–14 (Epistle, p. 182n99/15–16). See also 40.13–14 and 93.20–21, and Whiting E99.

16 riche and unknowing. All manuscripts of Scrope’s text omit the “and,” which is, however, present in all consulted French manuscripts and necessary to the line’s meaning. The oversight may be Scrope’s or scribal, so I have supplied the term.

19-21 For Seint Jerome seith . . . plenté of benefices. MF, Prodicio a, fol. s4v a, correctly attributed to Jerome; and CV, fol. 93r, attributed to Augustine; Larke, fol. 53v–54r.

21-22 Erunt homines . . . protervi. 2 Timothy 3:2, 4. CV, fol. 93r; Larke, fol. 54r. The overall abridgement of the Latin is Christine’s, but BI and Scrope omit “timidi” [fearful], the final term in B/B₁ and Christine’s substitution for the Vulgate’s “tumidi” [“puffed up,” i.e., conceited].


CHAPTER 82

3 Hermafrodicus. OM 4.1997–2223. Christine differentiates herself from the OM and traditional exegesis by offering a sympathetic portrayal of Salmacis while criticizing Hermaphroditus throughout the chapter (Parussa, p. 442n82a; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 191–93). Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, pp. 64–65, sees the allegorical interpretation key to thwarting misogyny.

5,7,12 yong thing. Scrope uses this term, when referring to Hermafrodicus, to translate “un jouvencel,” “le damoisel,” and “le jouvencel” (all masculine terms for “the youth”). ME “thing” can be used with an adjective like “yong” to indicate affection, compassion, or tenderness toward an innocent or virtuous person (MED, thing [n.], sense 4c). Although Bühler adopts M’s reading of “yong gentilman” in 82.7 (Epistle, p. 100, line 5), I have retained “thing” because it is used more frequently and in all three Scrope manuscripts for 82.5 and 82.12. Plausibly, “gentilman” could have been Scrope’s rendering, but I have also found evidence that the M scribe likely tinkered with the English text and substituted English terms disconnected from the French original, so I approach M’s readings with more caution than Bühler. Here, “gentilman” clarifies that the “yong thing” in 82.7 is Hermaphroditus, not Salmacis.

8 welle-spring sette aboute with salewes. Scrope has erroneously translated “la fontaine de Salmacis”(Parussa, 82.12) [the fountain of Salmacis], taking the French “salmacis” to refer to the plural of the willow tree [DMF, sauz].

11 unclothid and al nakid. The French in consulted manuscripts, including BI, notes that Salmacis sees Hermaphroditus “tout nu” [all naked], and then she “se despoulle” [undresses] (Parussa, 82.15; OLH, p. 114). Scrope either misreads the reflexive verb as applying to Hermaphroditus, or otherwise neglects to report that Salmacis disrobes before approaching her beloved.

13 wynne. Scrope chooses this word to replace the French term “amolier” [soften], potentially reducing the direct parallel between Hermaphrodicus’s hard heart and the allegorie warning against being too hard [“Dur”] towards others’ requests.

15 sodeinly. Scrope follows the B/BI manuscripts that describe the transformation occurring “soubdainement” (Parussa, 82.23), but A/AI and D/DI manuscripts consulted lack the term (as does the Bibell).

19 nygromancye. Christine’s term is in fact “arquemie” [alchemy] (Parussa, 82.29), a more respectable science; it is unclear why Scrope opts for a term that means sorcery or witchcraft (compare the Bibell translator’s omission at 82.21–22 and Explanatory Note). Parussa, p. 443n82b, asserts the importance of Christine’s reference to alchemy as a sign that she was familiar with and perhaps had before her books of alchemy, in which the figure of Hermaphrodicus mercurialis was used to represent Mercury as what Obrist, Les débuts de l’imagérie alchimique, pp. 152–58, calls a “bisexual stone” for its ability to bind to other elements.

21 distincciones. MED, distinccioun (n.), sense 2, refers to the process of distinguishing and classifying; the original French term, however, was “ficcions,” which refers to literary works and imaginative creations (Parussa, 82.32; OLH, p. 114). Scrope seems to have preferred to suggest a more philosophical form of written work.

22-23 the barke . . . the liquour. Like the kernel and shell metaphor, the notion of rejecting the bark (or husk) and sucking the juice or liquor points beyond understanding the literal level of a narrative to grasping the allegorical significance (see 49.8).

26 Make no . . . shouldist doo. TDP, p. 919; Dicts, pp. 28.16–17 and 29.17–18.

27-33 The good spirit . . . . be compassion. Christine’s allegorization, adopted by both English translators, rejects the misogynist expositions of the OM in favor of a theological interpretation that one must comfort others who suffer (Parussa, p. 443n82d).

28-33 whan we . . . be compassion. MF, Consolatio g, fol. d6v b. MF Compassio b has also been suggested, but only Consolacio g provides the precise content and images used by Christine.

34 Confortate . . . roborate. Isaias 35:3.


CHAPTER 83

1-2 pleies . . . . Of Ulixes. Chess was often called the game of Ulysses, but its invention has also been placed in Priam’s newly reconstructed Troy (Campbell, Epître, pp. 108–09). Various medieval texts attribute the invention of games in general and chess specifically to Ulysses, including OM 13.563 and the pseudo-Ovidian De vetula; the HA2 attributes the game’s invention to the Trojans but also associates it with the Greeks (Parussa, pp. 443–44n83a). Christine’s chapter highlights the pleasurable element of learning (Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 64).

In late medieval England, the origin of chess was clearly disputed: Lydgate’s TB 2.806–23 claims that Trojan “clerkys ful prudent” first founded the game during the siege of Troy, citing Guido but acknowledging an assertion by Jacques de Vitry that the game originated in Chaldea and was transmitted to the Greeks. Caxton’s The Game and Playe of the Chesse, based on the moralization of chess by Jacobus de Cessolis (in Latin and French), dismisses Troy as the site of origin, preferring Chaldea as the source for the game’s dissemination into Greece (ed. J. Adams, 1.14–20). See also J. Adams, “Pawn Takes Knight’s Queen,” for analysis of a variety of references to chess in Chaucer and medieval literature.

9-10 For Solin seith . . . be doon. Unidentified source.

10 leeful. This term translates the French “loisible” [permitted, allowed, lawful], which is present in all consulted manuscripts except B₁, which contains “loyalle” [permitted, honest, honorable] (Parussa, 83.15).

13-16 For as Seint Jerome seith . . . from profite. MF, Scriptura Sacra ai (Electronic MF: Scriptura Sacra af), fol. u6r b, correctly attributes this to Gregory’s Moralia. The erroneous ascription to Jerome is Christine’s; BI’s reading “Gregoire” must have been an individual scribal correction, since it is not reproduced in Scrope or BI₂.

14 erthly. The French term is “enterine” [whole, complete], which Scrope apparently confused with a form of “terre” [earth] (Warner, p. 118, under “herdly”).

15 oure soule. BI and Scrope omit the sentiment that follows, on seeing our goodness in the figurative mirror, presumably due to an eyeskip error in their shared source (BI₂ is complete). Compare Bibell, 83.20; Parussa, 83.24–25; and OLH, p. 115 (who insert “face” for clarity).
lewedenes. Scrope uses a Middle English term for ignorance to translate the French “lait” [ugliness]; compare Bibell, 83.20 (“lothelenes”) and OLH, p. 115.

17 Scrutamini scripturas . . . habere. John 5:39, modified by Christine.


CHAPTER 84

3 Cresseidis. Both Scrope and the Bibell translator use a form of the Anglicized name Criseyde, for Briseida; Wyer uses Bryseyde but identifies her with Chaucer’s Criseyde. Christine’s source is the HA2, which draws on Benoît’s Roman de Troie; Benoît’s text is the first iteration of this love story, which also led to the versions by Boccaccio and Chaucer (see Parussa, p. 444n84a; and Kelly, “Invention of Briseida’s Story”). For an overview of the Troilus and Briseida affair and a description of Briseida, see RT, lines 370–588 and 5275–88; the more detailed narrative is intermingled with battles and other tragedies, with key events occurring at lines 13090–120, 13261–866, 14267–352, 15001–186, 20008–340, and 21367–450. For an English translation, see Roman de Troie, trans. Burgess and Kelly, pp. 47–50, 106, 204–12, 216–17, 226–28, 286–90, and 303–04. For a Middle English account, see Chaucer’s TC; for an older Scots version, see Henryson’s Testament of Cresseid.

5-6 queint and sotill to drawe peopill to hir. Christine’s B/BI text describes Briseida as “plus cointe et vague et attrayant,” words of dubious praise translated by Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards as “very pretty, inconstant, and attractive” (Parussa, 84.8; OLH, p. 116). The French term “cointe” has a range of meanings, some more flattering than others: clever, wise; crafty; arrogant, proud; and elegant, amiable (see OFD and DMF, cointe). In Middle English, although Chaucer often puns on the noun form of “queint” as a euphemism for the female genitals, the adjective form shares its meanings with its French counterpart: clever, crafty, deceitful; elegant; courteous; and vain, proud (MED, queinte [adj.], sense 1). Both the French and English terms could be interpreted as complimentary or critical, but I think Scrope uses “queint” in a more negative sense here based on other usages and the rest of his description. When Scrope encounters the “cointe” in reference to men, he translates it as “joli” [cheerful, amorous, handsome] (e.g., Cupid, 47.1, and Adonis, 65.5). For “vague,” he chooses “sotill,” which elsewhere often indicates a cleverness tinged with deceit (e.g., Calchas, 81.5, and Ulysses, 19.8). Finally, Scrope’s misrepresentation of “attrayant” as a verb attributes to Criseyde a seductive quality or desire to draw people to her. Scrope’s choices seem to indicate his view of Criseyde as deceptive, though they also are compatible with the allegorical interpretation of her as vainglory.

17-18 Hermes seith . . . not oon of theim. The closest source is attributed to Loqman (on which, see note 51.8–9 above) in TDP, p. 1001, and Dicts, pp. 244.15–16 and 245.19–20. Plato also warns against keeping company with bad people because one’s nature will become like theirs (TDP, p. 961, and Dicts, pp. 138.15 and 139.16–17). Two claims by Hermes caution readers against keeping company with various wicked folk, without specifying why: TDP, p. 912, and Dicts, pp. 12.3–5 and 13.4–5; and TDP, p. 914, and Dicts, pp. 16.7–8 and 17.6–7.

Christine’s generalization from Briseida to people rather than women has been recognized as one strategy by which she combats antifeminist stereotypes and patristic commonplaces (Brown-Grant, Moral Defence, p. 79; Doyle, “Beyond Resistance,” pp. 91–95).

20 the good spirit. Scrope supplies the expected term for the French “bon esperit”; BI erroneously records “chevalier” [knight], one of the multiple places that for Bühler confirms that Scrope was not using BI as his source (“Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 127n31).

21-24 And Sent Austin . . . to overcome. MF, Gloria mala sive vana b, fol. i3r a. Christine’s choice to associate Briseida with vainglory seems unique (Doyle, “Beyond Resistance,” p. 93).

25 Qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur. 2 Corinthians 10:17. All consulted French manuscripts cite 2 Corinthians, and A and D specify the tenth chapter, so I have followed Christine’s citation. See also Epistle, p. 184n103/10–11, and 1 Corinthians 1:31.


CHAPTER 85

1 Patroclus. OM 12.3424–614; the HA2 provides the direct source for Achilles’s desired vengeance (Parussa, pp. 444–45n85a). In the Roman de Troie (source for the HA2), Hector had accused Achilles and Patroclus of a homosexual relationship (Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, p. 46); Christine and her translators describe them as especially close friends.

2 Ware of Achilles. In traditional narratives, Hector is unaware of the events leading up to his death. By giving Othea prophetic abilities, Christine creates a fiction in which Hector is essentially warned of the immoral or bad decisions that will lead to his demise; in theory, Christine’s fictional Hector, so warned, could avoid them. For more, see the Introduction, pp. 3–5.

4 Theire goodes betwen them be comone. Proverbial: see Whiting G337, and TDP, p. 928, and Dicts, p. 52.5–6.

8 fro thensforth swore his deeth. The French for this phrase appears in B/BI (and thus Scrope), but not in the A/AI and D/DI manuscripts consulted, so any parallel is absent in the Bibell (see Parussa, 85.12 and p. 373).

14-15 Magdirge seith . . . myghtier than he. TDP, p. 1004, abridged by Christine; Dicts, 252.12–14 and 253.12–15. The figure — spelled “Madarge” in the Bibell, “Macdarge” in TDP, “Magdarge” in Scrope’s Dicts, and “Marcedarge” in the Dicts in the Helmington Hall manuscript (now Pierpont Morgan Library Manuscript G.66) — has not been identified. Schofield suggests an Arabian sage (Scrope, A Middle English Version, p. 213n91); Sutton suggests perhaps St. Medardus, a sixth-century bishop of Noyon (Dicts and Sayings, p. 139n19.1); Parussa, p. 489, identifies the figure as “Mahraris,” possibly a corruption of “Mercurius” (it is unclear whether this would refer to Mercurius Trismegistus, or Hermes, whose sayings appear elsewhere in the TDP). Parussa identifies the source of this information in Parussa, p. 60n95.

18-21 As Solin seith . . . victorye of enemyes. Job 7:1. French manuscripts in the AI, B/BI, and D/DI traditions erroneously transmit the name of the philosopher Solin instead of Job; manuscript A is correct, and other copies have been corrected, e.g., DI₇ and the printings by Pigouchet and Le Noir.

21-22 Induite vos . . . insidias diaboli. Ephesians 6:11; compare Bibell 85.25–26, which instead cites Galatians 4:26.


CHAPTER 86

1 Eccho. OM 3.1342–463 influences some of Christine’s word choices, but she diverges from the OM allegorization of Echo as good reputation (Parussa, p. 445n86a). Additionally, Christine presents Echo as someone in need of charity, rather than the OM’s unwelcome, predatory suitor (Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 74–76).

2,3 hire. With some hesitation, I have followed previous editors in correcting Echo’s gender, because, unlike the case of Medusa (Chapter 55), the glose accurately represents her as feminine in all three manuscripts. Both S and L use “his” as the possessive pronoun in the texte, and “hire” only appears in manuscript M, the copy I suspect contains other emendations by the scribe, not Scrope. The gendering error may be Scrope’s own, because he certainly shows a neglect of the finer points of French grammar elsewhere. For more detail, see Schieberle “Rethinking Gender and Language,” pp. 101–03.

6-7 on a day . . . on a day. The repetition reveals that Scrope’s source manuscript must have contained the same repetition that is extant in B and BI₂: “par sa jengle un jour encusa Juno qui un jour” [by her jangling one day accused Juno who one day . . . ]. The scribe of B has marked the first instance for erasure; the BI scribe Ricardus Franciscus must have silently emended the repetition.

18 requireth the vois that is goven to anothir. BI and other French texts record “requiert autrui,” which Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards render “entreats another” (OLH, p. 118). Scrope has drawn on “requiert” as meaning “to require” (DMF, requérir [v.], sense II.A), which needs the additional English terms to explain that she needs someone else to speak for her. Scrope nevertheless captures the sense of Christine’s overall meaning.

21-23 Zaqualquin seith . . . vice and dishonoure. TDP, p. 921; Dicts, pp. 34.18–21 and 35.22–25. Zaqualquin is likely another name for Aesculapius (Parussa, p. 494; ed. Sutton, Dicts and Sayings, p. 121n4.1).

25-30 And Seint Austin seith . . . . myghtiere than he. MF, Misericordia d, fol. n6v a (compare Adiutorium c, fol. a3v a–b).

27-28 upon theim that is in penurie. Scrope has not chosen the easy cognate “misery” for the French “misere”; instead he has chosen “penurie,” a more nuanced and equally accurate term for extreme poverty. He has muddled the translation here, though: French manuscripts, including BI, indicate that the poor deserve God’s mercy to deliver them from misery/poverty [“les delivre de leurs miseres”] (see Parussa, 86.44; OLH, p.118). Bühler suggests the fault may lie with Scrope’s exemplar (Epistle, p. 185n105/19–24), but if BI indeed descends from the same source, BI nevertheless transmits accurate text (as does BI₂).

30 Qui . . . benedicetur. Proverbs 22:9. Scrope manuscripts S and M read “primus” [first], likely a misreading of the Biblical “pronus” [inclined] (which appears in all other consulted copies).


CHAPTER 87

3 Damee. OM 1.2737–3064. On Christine’s Daphne, see Wolfthal, “Douleur sur toutes autres,” pp. 44–58. On Apollo, see Chapter 9. Daphne’s name varies in Othea copies: B uses “Daune,” B₁ “Damne,” D “Dampne,” and BI, DI, and DI₇ “Danne.”

9 Diane. Christine alters the deity to whom Daphne appeals in the OM from her father, a river god, to Diana, the goddess of chastity (see Chapter 23). Both Bühler and Campbell identify the prose OM as a possible source, but that work was unknown to Christine, and OM 1.2827–28 may provide the precedent for linking Daphne to Diana (Gordon, p. 156n87; Parussa, p. 446n87a). Regardless of the source, the prayer to the goddess should be read as part of Christine’s depiction of powerful women (Reno, “Feminist Aspects,” pp. 271–72).

20-21 Be gret . . . to perfeccion. CV, fol. 84v; Larke, fol. 26r. See also TDP, p. 922; Dicts, pp. 38.12–13 and 39.14–15. Christine may have combined the two sources.

25-30 As Seint Gregory seith . . . everlasting clennes. MF Gloria eterna r fol. i4v a. Some manuscript versions of the MF attribute the saying to Augustine (compare Parussa p. 446n87c; Electronic MF), but Christine’s source, like the 1483 early printed edition, must have correctly attributed it to Gregory (see Electronic MF, Gloria eterna r, “Fons primus”).

28 assistid to the blis of the Leder. French texts read: “assister a la gloire du Conditeur” [to witness the glory of the Creator] (Parussa, 87.44–45; OLH, p. 119). For “assistid to,” Bühler, Epistle, p. 203, provides the definition “helped towards,” perhaps to rationalize Scrope’s choice of a direct cognate to the French “assister,” which here likely means “to be present” (DMF, assistir [v.], sense IA), or, as Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards suggest, “to witness”; no similar meaning is attested in the MED, assisten. Scrope also offers “blis” for French “gloire” [glory]. Finally, he seems to have interpreted the evocation of God the “conditeur” [creator] as related to “conditour” [guide] (DMF, conditeur and conduiteur); see also Epistle, p. 186n107/1.

29 unscribeable. BI and other French manuscripts record “incirconscriptible” [limitless] (DMF, incirconscriptible [adj.]). MED, unscribable (adj.), has no attestation except Scrope’s usage, which the MED suggests may mean “Not circumscribable, illimitable; indescribable.” I have glossed it as “indescribable” largely on the basis that Scrope did not chose a cognate form (see MED, circumscriben [v.]), as he so often does; “indescribable” is also the interpretation chosen by Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 119. Compare Bibell 87.29.

31 Gloriosa . . . civitas Dei. Psalms 86:3. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted provide a more specific citation of the Psalms than an in-text reference to the Psalter.


CHAPTER 88

2 Andromathais. Andromache’s petitions to Hector and Priam are detailed in the HA2 (Parussa, p. 446n88a). For Lydgate’s account of this episode, see TB 3.4896–996.

12-14 Thow shouldist . . . wise man. TDP, p. 965; Dicts, pp. 148.11–14 and 149.12–14. Proverbial: see Whiting F404.

16 Jhesu Cristes knyght. B/BI manuscripts refer to “le chevaleureux Jhesucrist” [“the knight of Jesus Christ” (OLH, p. 120)], though A/AI and D/DI manuscripts consulted lack “Jhesucrist.”

17-22 spekith Seint Gregori . . . . his sutil circumspeccion. MF, Spiritus Sanctus d, fol. x7v b (attributed to Gregory by the MF, even though the source is St. Bernard).

21-22 where he inspirith but broileth it. Scrope misses a reflexive verb and mistranslates the French “ou il s’inspire, mais tantost la brusle” [where he finds inspiration, but rather burns it] (Parussa, 88.33; OLH, p. 120).

23 Spiritum nolite extinguere. 1 Thessalonians 5:19. The error “Ad Hebreos” appears in all French manuscripts consulted that contain a biblical citation; most, including BI and Scrope’s S and M manuscripts, erroneously cite the eleventh chapter (A omits the biblical chapter; B₁ cites the twelfth).


CHAPTER 89

2-3 In Babiloines strengthe . . . . Troste not. Christine deploys the exemplary value of this episode from the HA1, without giving narrative or descriptive details, as if the story was common knowledge to her readers (Parussa, p. 447n89a); see also OM 1.2429–69. The Bibell lacks reference to Nimrod as a “giant,” though the term appears in the consulted French texts.

3,6 Minous, Ninus. All three Scrope manuscripts record “Minous” in 89.3, but S accurately identifies the king who conquers Babylon as “Ninus” in 89.6 (all consulted French copies record “Ninus” in both places).

5 gret giaunt Nambroit. Nimrod appears in Genesis 10:9–10 as a stout hunter and the founder of Babylon; Christine uses the appellation “le geant” [the giant] (Parussa, 89.7).

9-10 Whoso trustish . . . often overcomen. TDP, p. 953, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 118.18–21 and 119.15–19. See also Whiting S834.

13-18 Seint Austin spekith . . . withoute brennynge. MF Confidencia a, fol. d 2v a, spuriously attributed to Augustine, now attributed to Pseudo-Cyprian (see Lemmens in OLH, p. 150; note 1.106–09 above).

14 to name. The French verb “reputer” would be better translated as “to consider” (DMF, reputer [v.], senses IA–B); see Parussa, 89.21 and OLH, p. 121. Bühler, Epistle, p. 219, provides the definition “allege,” the first recorded appearance of this usage (MED, namen [v.], sense 3b; see also OED, name [v.], sense I.2c).

16 is, as. These are the last words on fol. 55v of the S manuscript; one folio is missing that would have contained the remainder of this chapter and Chapters 90–91 on Hector’s death.

16-17 and kepith them unhurte. The phrase is Scrope’s addition, not in the French.

18-19 Truste to him . . . sette in God. The sentiment seems to be Christine’s addition to Augustine, probably from a proverb or Boethius.

19-20 Therfore seyeth the prophete David. L provides this complete introduction to the Latin (omitted in both BI and M). Scrope’s exemplar may have been corrupted: BI stops at “Pour ce dit” and lacks the Latin, but BI₂ contains the full French and Latin text.

20 Bonum est . . . in homine. Psalms 117:8. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted cite the biblical source. M and BI both lack the reference to David here (supplied from L) and the Latin in Chapters 89 and 90 (supplied from B₁, since L lacks all Latin quotations); S lacks the leaf on which this chapter would have been written. It is impossible to know whether Scrope’s exemplar or original translation was complete, but since L’s English is complete, I have followed Bühler, Epistle, p. 109, line 6, and given Scrope the benefit of the doubt (see also 98.25–27 and note below for a similar instance in which it seems completion of the Latin was expected, versus 42.27, where the text does not end in the middle of a citation [and I have not emended]).


CHAPTER 90

1 Hector me must pronounce thi deeth. Christine’s source is HA2 (Parussa, p. 448n90a). On Christine’s imaginative chronology, in which Hector might have learned from Othea and altered historical events, see Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 214–16, and Noakes, Timely Reading, pp. 126–29. Various scholars have seen Hector’s death as indicative of his inability or failure to heed Othea’s advice, potentially opening up space for Christine’s Christian reader to surpass him (Krueger, “Christine’s Anxious Lessons”; Abray, “Imagining the Masculine,” especially pp. 138–41; Kellogg, “Chivalric Mythographer”; Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 153–54). Forhan, Political Theory, p. 104, suggests that the theme of disobedience to one’s father would resonate with Louis of Orléans, Christine’s first dedicatee.

Christine’s Othea laments a personal grief at recounting Hector’s demise, not unlike her expressions of sorrow in Mutability of Fortune, ed. and trans. Smith, lines 16425–60; see Brownlee, “Hector and Penthesilea,” pp. 71–73.

On Lydgate’s use of the Othea, Chapters 90–92, in the TB’s account of Hector, see Benson, The History of Troy, pp. 127–29.

2 greet sorow bitith myne herte. Scrope tends to embrace cognates or quick readings of the French, but here he shows awareness that the French “au cuer me mort” refers to sadness gnawing at (DMF, mordre [v.]) Othea’s heart, rather than assuming “mort” to be a form of “mourir” [to die]; see Parussa, 90.3 and OLH, p. 121.

4 Wilte not truste. That is, Hector will die when he will not believe Priam.

13-14 noon shulde. This reading from L is closer to the French “nul ne doit” [no one should] than the M reading of “he shulde not” (Parussa, 90.20).

14 sovereyne ne his good frendes. B/BI, and thus Scrope, warn the good knight not to disobey his sovereign or his good friends when they are wise (Parussa, 90.20–22), but A and DI copies consulted omit the reference to the sovereign (see Bibell 90.17).

15-16 As longe . . . reighne gloriously. This unidentified maxim could be a version of TDP, p. 970 (Dicts, p. 163.2–9), Christine’s source for Chapter 28’s glose, modified further (Epistle, p. 188n109/27–9). See Bibell 28.18–19.

17 name. BI and other French manuscripts here read “mort” [death]. Scrope must have misunderstood his exemplar.

19-22 men fynde . . . . yonge men. MF, Mors at, fol. o4r a (Electronic MF: Mors as). Proverbial: see Whiting D96 and D98. See also CV, fol. 88v, and Larke, fol. 38r, which omit the uncertainty of the hour of death, perhaps due to eyeskip. See Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 204, and Epistle, pp. 188–89n110/4–9; compare Bibell, 90.22–26.

20 dethe. At this point in B and B₁, the commonplace saying that nothing is more certain than death or less certain than the hour of death is completed (Parussa, 90.31–32; OLH, p. 122). M, BI, and BI₂ lack the second half, probably due to an error of eyeskip committed in a much earlier ancestor manuscript. The L scribe completes the saying, “ne lesse incerteyne than is the owre of deth” (with the error of “less incerteyn” for “less certain”). Given the consistency of the other three manuscripts and L’s error, it is more likely that Scrope’s exemplar and translation lacked the complete saying, which the L scribe attempted to remedy.

22 in the myd-wes of yonge men. The French in BI and major manuscripts reads: “aux jeunes elle est en espies” (Parussa, 90.36) [“(death) lies in wait for the young”] (OLH, p. 122). I have chosen the L reading “myd-wes” over the M reading “medwis.” Warner, p. 120, glosses the term as “meadows”; Bühler, Epistle, p. 189n110/9, speculates that Scrope may have misread “en espies” as “en pres” [in the meadows]; and the MED, medwe (n.), sense 1a, seems to list this as the only example of “in the medwes” meaning “some distance away.” However, the term Scrope likely intends is MED, mid-wei (n.), sense 1a, which indicates being at the halfway point or “en route.”

23 Memor esto quoniam mors non tardabit. Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 14:12; CV, fol. 88v and Larke, fol. 38v. M and BI both lack the Latin, which is supplied from B₁; see note 89.20 above.


CHAPTER 91

2-4 That thou use . . . . open to thee. Christine’s source for Hector’s death is the HA2 (Parussa, pp. 448–49n91a). Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 122, provide a smoother translation: “For that will expose you to death.”

7-8 Hermes seyeth . . . sette to shotte. Versions of this saying are found in TDP, pp. 915–16; Dicts, pp. 20.12–14 and 21.11–13; and CV, fol. 88v, and Larke, fol. 38r. Scrope’s translation is literal; Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 122, translate the French sentiment as “life also is like an arrow that takes its time to arrive” (see Parussa, 91.10–11).

10 voyde. The meaning here should be, as Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 122, translate, “the good spirit should always keep its senses close to itself and not let them wander about.” The French term “vagues” is used here and a few lines later to describe the man who does not keep his wits close (Parussa, 91.15 and 91.20), which Scrope translates as “vagaunt” [wandering] (DMF, vague 1 [adj.], sense IA; MED, vagaunt [adj.], sense 1a). Of the possible definitions for MED, voide (adj.), sense 8b, suggests that to “gon voide” means “to wander idly,” and in sense c, the adjective alone can indicate actions lacking purpose, so perhaps Scrope intends something similar.

10-15 Seynt Gregore seyeth . . . on everi side. Unknown source. A similar remark appears in the work of the thirteenth-century preacher Stephen of Bourbon’s expansion on Ecclesiasticus 14:22 (Lemmens in OLH, p. 151). The attribution to Gregory’s Moralia does not appear in B/BI, but it occurs in A/AI and many (but not all) D/DI copies, including DI₇.

15-16 Clauso hostio, ora Patrem tuum. Matthew 6:6. M omits the final phrase “in abscondito” [in secret] and the citation of Matthew, which are present in BI (and the B/B₁ manuscripts). In addition, the M manuscript also lacks all Latin in Chapter 92 (without precedent in BI), suggesting a less than thorough rubrication effort (see also Epistle, p. 189n111/3–4).


CHAPTER 92

1 Polibetes. The HA2 remains Christine’s source for Trojan war content (Parussa, p. 449n92a). See also Chapters 90 and 91. For an English account of these events, see Lydgate’s TB 3.5332–406, where the “Grekysh kyng” is unnamed. According to the Roman de Troie, Polibetes was a mighty knight and leader in the Greek army (RT, lines 16155–168; Roman de Troie, trans. Burgess and Kelly, p. 239).

S resumes with the “Texte” heading and poetic verses for this chapter. Fols. 56r–v have sustained water damage leading to blurring of some text, and some of the vellum has “cockled” as a result (private correspondence with Kathryn McKee, Special Collections Librarian, St. John’s College Cambridge).

4 them that suwed thee. Technically, the French is singular, referring to Achilles alone (compare Parussa, 92.5; and OLH, p. 123).

12-13 the philozophre seith . . . to deeth. Source unknown, but compare Whiting C493; attributed to an unnamed philosopher in French manuscripts and early printed editions. Christine partially quotes Seneca in the allegorie, below, and her comment here may draw on the other half of his saying, which asserts that the avaricious man is the cause of his own destruction (CV, fol. 96v; Larke omits). Aristotle also warns that following one’s wills and lusts leads to the deterioration of the body and heath, and to the soul’s perpetual damnation (TDP, p. 972; Dicts, pp. 166.20–22 and 167.23–26). See also Bibell 92.15 and Explanatory Note.

15-19 For Innocent seith . . . . he hath. MF, Cupiditas y, fol. f2r b. Pope Innocent III (ca. 1160–1216), is best known for his treatise De miseria humane conditionis [On the Misery of the Human Condition], which emphasized the wretchedness of the human body and life in the world.

BI and the Scrope manuscripts lack the title of Innocent’s book, which does appear in other manuscripts, including BI₂.

18-19 Ever he . . . he hath. Scrope’s translation is unwieldly, but Christine’s French is difficult (see Parussa, 92.30–31). Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 123, provide, “And his goal is always to have what he still expects to have and not what he already has.” In other words, the covetous man focuses only on riches he expects to have in the future, not his current possessions.

20 saus makers. Christine’s term “sancsues” [literally: leeches; figuratively: one who enriches himself at the expense of others]. Scrope apparently mistakes the word for “saussiers,” leading to his confusing statement about “saus makers” who always desire more money (compare Bibell 92.21).

21-22 Covetice is . . . bodily deeth. Christine introduces commentary from Seneca from the CV, fol. 96v; Larke, fols. 61v–62r, abridged. The CV and the A/AI and DI copies consulted reference “mort temporelle” [temporal death]; however, B/BI instead record “mort corporelle” [bodily death]. Mombello, TM, p. 314 no. 19, lists this variant as typical in most D manuscripts.

23 Radix omnium malorum est cupiditas. 1 Timothy 6:10; CV, fol. 96v and Larke, fol. 62r. The phrase was popular — see Chaucer’s Pardoner’s Prologue and Tale of Melibee (CT VI [C] 334 and VII 1840); Dicts, pp. 42.19–20 and 43.20–21; and Whiting C491.


CHAPTER 93

2 Achilles. HA2 offers a lengthy treatment of Hecuba’s manipulation of Achilles’s love for Polyxena (Parussa, p. 450n93a); see also OM 12.4305–579. For an English account, see TB 4.556–1133 and 3098–194. Christine depicts Hecuba as a prominent, powerful woman with ethical justifications for her actions (Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 173–76). On Achilles’s heterosexual and homosexual loves, see Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 48–49 (and Chapter 85).

12 aftir or. Scrope’s use of “aftir or” confuses the meaning here, that Achilles went amongst the Trojans for a long time unarmed because of his love for Polyxena (compare Parussa, 93.18–20; OLH, p.124).

16 that he hadde. Only B/BI manuscripts refer to the young age “que il avoit” [that (Troilus) had].

20-21 wise man seith . . . nede to beware. Unidentified source. Bühler, Epistle, p. 191n113/7–8, calls it “a very commonplace observation,” perhaps thinking of warnings not to trust old enemies (see Whiting E100). It is surely no accident that Christine’s sentiment resembles the one she used in the glose to Chapter 40, on Achilles’s death.

23 chaunge. BI preserves an error that must have been in Scrope’s shared source: “muer” [change] instead of “amer” [love], which appears in B, B₁, and BI₂.

24 All straunge is the worlde. B, B₁, and BI₂ point to “toute chose estrange” [all strange things], but BI lacks “chose” [thing], indicative that Scrope’s source likely did, too. The sense should be that in the exemplum, strange things represent the world.

25 flee the worlde. French texts including BI in fact advise the reader to “hair” [hate] the world; either Scrope or his exemplar misread “fuir” [flee] from the previous sentence.

25-28 The worlde passith . . . . with Him. MF, Mundus d, fol. o7r b.

25-26 The worlde passith concupiscence. Scrope misses an important French term “et” [and] in this sentence (in BI and BI₂), which should indicate that the world and its concupiscence pass (see Parussa, 93.38–39; OLH, p. 124).

27 be with Crist Jhesu. The error here stems from Scrope’s source, which, like BI, must have read “avec Jhesucrist” [with Jesus Christ] instead of the expected reading “amer Jhesucrist” [love Jesus Christ] (see Parussa, 93.41; OLH, p. 124); BI₂ contains the expected text.

29 Nolite diligere . . . in mundo sunt. 1 John 2:15.


CHAPTER 94

2 soule. For this term, the majority of French manuscripts consulted, including BI, read “armes,” an accepted variant spelling for “ames” [souls]; of course, it also evokes the meaning of “armes” as military or chivalric feats, a double meaning lost in the English (and in versions like AI and the printings by Pigouchet and Le Noir that record “ames” instead). See DMF, âme (n.), sense B, and arme (n.), sense IB.

4 Ajaux. Ajax, also called Telamon Ajax or Ajax the Great was a renowned Greek warrior (see also 66.9). HA1 provides Christine’s source for Ajax’s death due to his refusal to use his shield (Parussa, p. 450n94b). See also Epistle, p. 191n113/25, and OM 13.1255–89, for a different account. For an English version, see TB 4.3486–526.

5 trustid to myche on himsilf. Scrope’s translation gives a sense of his interpretation of the French word “oultrecuidez” [arrogant, overconfident].

6 sollennes. MED, soleinesse (n.), sense 1b, “arrogance, pride” cites only this usage, perhaps constructing the meaning for the word because it is paired with “pride” [“orgueil”]. Scrope may have chosen “sollennes” because of uncertainty about the translation of Christine’s original term “druerie,” which was used for affectionate, courtly, or amorous relationships (DMF, druerie [n.], senses A–B; see also the cognate in MED, druerie [n.]). OLH, p. 125, translates “druerie” with “gallantry.”

9 neither profitabill ne worshipfull. Scrope uses this doublet to translate the B/BI reading “de nulle honneur” [not honorable], adding the sense that such actions are not advantageous or beneficial.

10-12 many erreth . . . arrogance and pride. TDP, p. 974, expanded by Christine; Dicts, pp. 172.10–11 and 173.9–11.

14-18 noon shoulde presume . . . oure pacience. MF, Confidentia c, fol. d2v b.

18 the Apostle. The two B manuscripts lack the term “l’apostre,” but it does appear in BI and BI₂.

20 Fiduciam talem . . . ex nobis. 2 Corinthians 3:4–5.


CHAPTER 95

1 Anthenor. Both HA1 and HA2 record Antenor’s treason (Parussa, pp. 450–51n95a). Antenor was frequently vilified as a traitor: he is compared to or associated with Judas in Benoît de Sainte-Maure’s RT, line 26135 (Roman de Troie, trans. Burgess and Kelly, p. 360); in Dante’s ninth circle of Hell in Inferno, ed. Singleton, cantos 32.88 and 24; and in Christine’s Mutacion, ed. Solente, line 17969. In English, see also Lydgate’s lengthy treatment of Antenor’s betrayal and duplicity, TB 4.5126–832.

Although S here and in 95.5–8 clearly reads “Authenor,” S correctly uses “Anthenor” in 95.15 and 96.5. Between that and L’s correct readings of “Antenor” or “Anthenor” throughout, it seems likely that scribal confusion of u/n has led to the mistakes in the S texte and glose.

5 at the laste to greet. As Bühler, Epistle, p. 192n114/26, observes, the M text variant on these words “is obviously a later emendation.” See Textual Note.

8 tising. Scrope uses this term to translate “enditement” [suggestion, instigation] (Parussa, 95.11; BI). MED records no entry for tising, but the verb tisen could mean “to labor, toil, make an effort”; there are not enough attestations to confirm whether ME tisen might carry the force of “instigation,” so I have chosen “efforts” as a gloss.
angre. Bühler, “Fastolf’s Manuscripts,” p. 127, notes that Scrope here follows the expected B manuscript reading “courrous” [anger] (which also appears in BI₂), rather than BI’s error “couvenant” [agreement].

9 confortid . . . pes. Scrope’s use of “confortid” to translate French “ennorta” is not unusual, according to the MED, comforten (v.), sense 2. Compare Bibell, 95.11. However, he neglects to translate the verb “faignissent” [should feign], which specifies that the Greeks’ peace will be feigned (compare Parussa, 95.13; OLH, p. 125).

14 Platon . . . shrewes. TDP, p. 964, modified by Christine; Dicts, pp. 146.22–23 and 147.25–26. In his English version of the Dicts, Scrope provides a nearly identical translation, with “shrewes” translating “mauvais” (Dicts, p. 146.22). The Epistle may have been written first, according to the dates proposed by Bühler, Dicts, p. xlii (though in introducing the Epistle, p. xxiii, he retracts the claim that the Epistle was ever systematically revised by Scrope or anyone else).

17-20 To this Seint Austin seith . . . lesith his federis. This statement has not been traced to Augustine or anyone else. The idea that the butterfly, gnat, or moth was drawn to the flame is proverbial. See Whiting B623 and Bartholomaeus Anglicus (Trevisa, On the Properties of Things, ed. Seymour, 1:624). For the bird, see Whiting B299. See also the fuller discussion of various sources for these motifs by Lemmens in OLH, pp. 152–53.

17 thre. In BI and other French copies, the article “les” [the] appears; Scrope must have misread “tres” or “iii” (Epistle, p. 192n115/11–16).

20-22 Example of Seint Petir . . . his maister. St. Peter denies knowledge of Christ in all four gospels: Matthew 26:69–75, Mark 14:66–72, Luke 22:54–62, and John 18:15–18, 25–27.

22-23 Fuge . . . per eam. Proverbs 4:15, modified by Christine for clarity to introduce “via malorum” [way of evil men] from Proverbs 4:14, in place of a pronoun.


CHAPTER 96

1-2 suffre . . . . offre. As Bühler, Epistle, pp.192–93n115/22–5, indicates, the S and M manuscripts follow the rhyme words in French, but the L inversion of the two terms may make better sense in English. See Textual Notes for these lines.

3 hors of tre. Christine follows HA1 and HA2 in depicting a wooden Trojan horse (Parussa, p. 451n96a). Other French, Latin, and English accounts suggest the horse was made of copper or brass — for example, Lydgate TB 4.6053 (see also Epistle, p. 193n116/1).

9-10 And the hors . . . in the cité. Bühler, “Revisions and Dedications,” pp. 267–68 and 270, suggested — but in Epistle, p. xxiii, retracted — the notion that the expansion of these lines in L was evidence of a later revision by Scrope. The expansion seems more likely to be scribal. See Textual Notes for these lines.

10-11 and wente . . . the towne. Scrope’s translation is a bit muddled and does not follow the French, which is correct in BI, and which conveys that the knights inside the horse let in those who were outside the city, and they killed all the people and burned and destroyed Troy. Compare Bibell, 96.13–15; Parussa, 96.16–18; OLH, p. 126.

11 towne. B/BI manuscripts record the destruction of “la ville” [the town], while A/AI and D/DI copies (and Bibell 96.13) use “la cité” [the city].

12-14 A man shoulde . . . be a foole. TDP, p. 1015, unattributed; Dicts, pp. 280.17–19 and 281.20–22. Similar sentiments are assigned to Solomon in CV, fol. 89v; Larke, fol. 41r.

The Middle English term “fantesies” (96.12) is a cognate of French “faintise” [deceptions], and here should indicate lies or untruths (MED, fantasie [n.], sense 2b).

16-19 And Seint Austin . . . . may be. MF, Ecclesia a, fol. g7v b, spuriously attributes this to Augustine (see Lemmens in OLH, p. 153). Scrope’s translation of Christine’s “le giron de l’Eglise” (Parussa, 96.29) as “the lappe of the chirche” is more accurate than the Bibell’s rendering at 96.23.

19 Apud . . . ecclesia magna. Psalms 21:26. None of the French or English manuscripts consulted provide a more specific citation of the Psalms than an intext reference to the Psalter.


CHAPTER 97

2 Ylion. HA1 and HA2 depict Ilium as the primary Trojan castle (see also Parussa, pp. 451–52n97a).

S and M follow the French (as recorded in BI and Parussa, 97.3), but L uniquely reads “For Ylyones towre sette full well.” The alteration avoids identical rhyme words but is probably scribal.

3,7 Thune. The ancient city of Tunis was located near Carthage in what is now Tunisia, in Northern Africa. Both cities were burned to the ground by the Romans in 146 BCE in the third Punic War, but Tunis was rebuilt first, and it is perhaps this reconstruction that evokes its pairing with Troy, which was also destroyed and rebuilt (but Troy was destroyed a second time). On possible sources for Christine’s knowledge of Tunis, see Parussa, p. 452n97b.

10-11 Therfore Tholome seith . . . the overthrowe. TDP, p. 994; Dicts, pp. 226.29–30 and 227.31–33. Ptolemy (ca. 100–ca. 170) was an influential Greek mathematician, astronomer, and geographer.

13 good knyght, the spirit. Scrope, or his exemplar, must have carried the “good knight” over from the glose and then added the appositive “the spirit” to cover the error; the consulted French copies simply refer to “le bon esperit” [the good spirit].

15-19 it is impossible . . . in delites. MF, Prosperitas g, fol. f s5r a, abridged by Christine.

19-20 Quantum glorificavit se . . . tormentum et luctum. Apocalypse 18:7.


CHAPTER 98

1 Circes. Christine would have found Circe in OM 14.2355–562. See Chapter 39. Christine’s version differs significantly from the OM (Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 143–45). For Christine’s general view of Circe, see Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Reading Myth, pp. 176–81. Circe’s story was widespread and usually antifeminist: see, for example, Boccaccio, CFW, pp. 77–78, and GDE 4.14; and Lydgate, FP 2.4558 and 3.4612, where Circe is associated with bestial poison and other women to avoid. See also Gower’s unusual account: his warnings against “sorcerie” criticize Ulysses’s seduction of Circe and his infidelity (CA 6.1427–781).

1-4 swyne of Circes . . . . on this partie. Whether Christine’s chapter indicts Circe herself or the errant Greeks depends on the interpretation of two important terms in the texte: “le port Circés” and “ses partis” (Parussa, 98.2 and 98.5). Like Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, p. 143, I take both to refer to geographical locations — the “port” as harbor and “ses partis” as Circe’s land, in contrast to Blumenfeld-Kosinski and Richards, OLH, p. 128, who read “port” as a location but “ses partis” as “her ways.” See DMF, port 1, port 2, parti, and partie.

Scrope reads “port” as “porc,” leading him to warn readers to avoid Circe’s swine, the Greek men who were turned into pigs. Although this is an error, perhaps from an ambiguous exemplar (BI reads “port” here but “porc” in the first line of the allegorie), it suggests the plausibility of reading the chapter as indicting the Greek men as bad exemplars. In addition, Scrope renders “ses partis” as “this partie,” which in this context should be understood as referring to a group of people, not a geographical area (see MED, partie (n.), senses 3 and 5). In Scrope, the phrase that precedes it, “Umbethink thee wel,” is almost always used as a signpost to emphasize the exemplar (e.g., 46.4, 53.4, 62.4, 69.2–3; but see also 57.3–4). This suggests that for Scrope, the men are the focal point of the chapter’s critique. See also Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 163–65. In Christine and Scrope (but not in the Bibell), Chapter 21 on Bacchus also warns that overindulgence can turn men into swine, pointing to another rationale for viewing the Greeks as worthy of criticism.

15 prison. Scrope’s text matches the expected French reading “prison” (as does BI₂), though BI records “poison,” likely through confusion of a French scribe’s looping r with an o.
wantonnesse. Bühler, Epistle, p. 194n118/6, suggests that the M variant “voydenes” “seems to be an unsatisfactory attempt [presumably by Scrope] to find a better equivalent for the French ‘vagueté,’” — which he understands as “inconstancy” even though he defines “voydenes” as “vanity” (Epistle, p. 229), a specific definition not attested in the MED, voidenesse, which identifies Scrope’s usage as “viciousness” (sense 5) while other definitions identify a lack or emptiness of some kind. By contrast, according to the DMF, vagueté means inconstancy, frivolity, and lust, which makes “wantonnesse” an appropriate English rendering. Scrope elsewhere translates “vagueté” in 7.7 as “ydelnes” when referring to Venus; MED, idelnesse, can denote vanity, so perhaps Bühler was speculating based on this other moment. There seems to be little overlap in the semantic fields for “vagueté” and “voydenes,” so the M variant may well be a scribal choice, unconnected to the French original.

19-20 He that . . . in the ende. TDP, p. 972; Dicts, pp. 166.22–24 and 167.26–27.

21 swyne. BI and BI₂ both read “porc” [swine] here, so Scrope’s exemplar likely also contained that reading.

22-24 the liif . . . verry deede inwarde. MF, Ipocrisis t, fol. l2v a; CV, fol. 92r; Larke, fol. 46v. Christine follows the MF, which is more detailed than the CV (Rouse and Rouse, “Prudence,” p. 204).

25-27 Ve vobis ypocrite . . . ossibus mortuorum. Matthew 23:27 and CV, fol. 92r–v; Larke, fol. 46v. BI and all the Scrope manuscripts omit the Biblical quotation and citation; BI₂ contains both the completed text, so it is difficult to know whether the lapse in Scrope and BI owes to faulty rubrication or a faulty exemplar. I have supplied the Latin from B₁, since the Scrope text contains the English introduction, as if he expected the Latin to follow, rather than stopping without it (compare 42.27 and 89.20).


CHAPTER 99

3 Yno. See Chapter 17. On Christine’s final two chapters as exemplifying ignorance and wisdom, see Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 58–59; for an interpretation of Chapter 99 as warning against a reader’s willful ignorance (not Ino’s), see Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 174–76.
sodeyn corne. Both Scrope and the Bibell (99.8) use this term. The French “blé cuit” translates generally to “roasted grains,” and the grains in question are usually wheat (DMF, blé; see also OLH, p. 129: “baked wheat kernels”). The point is that these damaged seeds, when planted, will not produce a crop.

6-8 good resones . . . be loste. Bühler, Epistle, p. 195n118/30–119/2, links the warning about instructing fools to Dicts, pp. 34.13–14 and 35.16–17, Zaqualquin’s claim that attempting to teach a fool only increases his own foolishness; compare TDP, p. 921, and Whiting F425. On Zaqualquin, see note 86.21–23 above.

8-10 Aristotil seith . . . unwise man. TDP, p. 972 (modified by Christine); Dicts, pp. 166.29–31, 167.35–37 continued on 169.1. This citation occurs shortly after the one used for Chapter 98.

13-18 Seint Bernard . . . . noon excusacion. Christine’s citation combines elements of MF, Ignorancia f and g, fol. k5r a, attributed to Bernard’s De duodecim gradibus humilitatis [On the Twelve Degrees of Humility] and Letter 77. See also Whiting I9. The error of “fifteen” for Bernard’s “twelve” appears in all French manuscripts consulted, plausibly Christine’s (or her source’s) misreading of a scribe’s “xii” as “xv.”

18 Si quis ignorat, ignorabitur. 1 Corinthians 14:38.


CHAPTER 100

1 Positioned evenly with the poetic verse of this chapter, in the right margin, the M manuscript depicts the arms of the owner Sir John Astley. Drimmer, “Failure before Print,” p. 356–57, notes that this is unusual (one would expect the arms to appear at the head of the work) and argues that Astley obtained the original copy dedicated to the “hye princesse,” removed images that were not conducive to his martial views on chivalry (the presentation portrait and the images of Temperance and Andromeda’s rescue), and then incorporated the Epistle with other works that advocated a more physical view of chivalry.

3 a womman. Christine likely draws on the Golden Legend of Jacobus de Voragine (which had been translated into French by Jean de Vignay), in which the Tiburtine sibyl shows the emperor Octavian the vision of the Virgin and Christ (trans. Ryan, 1:40–41, with Augustus mentioned at p. 41) but the sibyls also appear in OM 14.1067–716, and this section names Augustus as the Roman Emperor at 14.1273. On the representation of Sibyls in the Middle Ages, see Solterer, Master and Minerva, pp. 165–67; Waegeman, “The Medieval Sibyl”; and McGinn, “Sibylline Tradition in the Middle Ages,” pp. 22–30. For Christine’s general use of sibyls, see Fenster, “Who’s a Heroine,” pp. 116–19; and Brownlee, “Structures of Authority.”
Augustus. Roman Emperor Augustus Caesar, like both French and British rulers, traced his lineage back to Troy (Hindman, Painting and Politics, p. 59). For the blurring of the lines between Christian and pagan, see Kellogg, “Chivalric Mythographer,” pp. 109–14.

4 taught him. Christine’s French description carries more force than Scrope’s “taught”: she says that Augustus learned from a woman “Qui d’estre aouré le reprist” [Who reprimanded him for being worshipped] (Parussa, 100.5; OLH, p. 129).

10 Sibille. Christine specifies the Cumaean Sibyl, whom medieval authors typically associated with the prophecy of the Nativity, while the Tiburtine Sibyl advised Augustus Caesar about the arrival of Christ (Parussa, pp. 453–55n100a). Green, “Philosophy and Metaphor,” pp. 120–25, suggests that Christine had an affinity for the Cumaean Sibyl, who was also Italian by birth, and that she deliberately selects this Sibyl to more closely align herself with Augustus’s wise adviser. See also City of Ladies, Book 2, Chapters 1–3 (trans. Richards, pp. 99–104), and Christine de Pizan, Selected Writings, ed. and trans. Blumenfeld-Kosinski, pp. 66–87. On the Othea’s sibyl as a model for women’s (and Christine’s) authority and advice, see Hindman, Painting and Politics, pp. 58–59; Desmond and Sheingorn, Myth, Montage, & Visuality, pp. 222–29; and Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 153–55. On male translators’ similar identification with female models, see Schieberle, Feminized Counsel, pp. 162–65 and 186–89.

Neither English translator names the Sibyl as the Cumaean Sibyl; the Bibell translator adds the identification of the Sibyl as a prophetess (Bibell, 100.14).

18-19 Hermes seith . . . pronounceth it. TDP, p. 949, attributed to Socrates; and Dicts, pp. 106.18–20 and 107.20–22.
teching of whom. The M reading “techinge of a woman or of whom” is one of few instances where it appears the text could have been tailored for a woman reader.

23-28 a wise man . . . . can not. MF, Studium n, fol. y1r a.

28-29 Auris bona . . . sapienciam. Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 3:31. Like BI, the Scrope manuscripts erroneously indicate the sixth chapter.