1 Concerning the Deeds of Aeneas, the King of the Latins

2 The Chronicle concerning Brute, extracted by Geoffrey of Monmouth from a certain British book given to him by Walter Archdeacon of Oxford and translated into Latin at the request of Robert Duke of Gloucester, the son of King Henry I of England

3 To fight in small parties and become a careful scout

4 The evil doer is overthrown by his malice (Proverbs 14:32), for the turning away of the children shall slay them, and the prosperity of fools shall destroy them (Proverbs 1:32)

5 Note that a certain Eli judged in Judea; Silvius Posthumous the son of Aeneas and Lavinia ruled in Italy, and Brute, the son of Silvius Juilius ruled in Britain (now England)

6 You will never make, or promise, another declaration of marriage

7 Note that the Polychronicon says that Alclude is next to Carlisle, near to Sulwath, then in Albany and now in England, destroyed by the Danes. For which reason nothing is seen in these days, but is entirely, by everyone’s account, unknown. The Scots, however, say that Alclude is that town that is now called Dumbarton

8 With which stratagem they overcame them with strength

9 All associated with you shall be brought down unwillingly

10 According to Alfred of Beverley and Geoffrey of Monmouth

11 According to the computation of Orosius to Augustine

12 He dishonored those who went against the peace

13 Because a woman desires nothing but governance

14 Whence in Jerome: "And his sweat was as drops of blood falling to the ground" (Luke 22:44)

ABBREVIATIONS: Alliterative Morte: Alliterative Morte Arthure, ed. Benson; Arthur: Arthur: A Short Sketch of His Life and History in English Verse; Bede: Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People; Brut: The Brut or The Chronicles of England, ed. Brie; CT: Canterbury Tales; CPL: Peter Langtoft, The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft; EH: Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis; FH: Flores Historiarum, ed. Luard; FP: John Lydgate, Fall of Princes; HA: Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum; HB: Nennius, Historia Brittonum; HRB: Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Brittanniae; HRBVV: Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Brittanniae, Variant Version; JG: John of Glastonbury, The Chronicle of Glastonbury Abbey; LB: Layamon’s Brut, trans. Allen; m: marginalia; Mort Artu: La Morte Artu, ed. Lacy; MED: Middle English Dictionary; MO: Martin of Troppau, Martini Oppaviensis Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum; NC: Þe New Croniclis Compendiusli Ydrawe of Þe Gestis of Kyngis of Ingelond; OED: Oxford English Dictionary; OV: The Oldest Anglo-Norman Prose Brut Chronicle, ed. Marvin; P: Ranulf Higden, Polychronicon; PRO: Public Record Office; Queste: La Queste del Saint Graal, trans. Burns; RB: Wace, Roman de Brut; RMB: Robert Mannyng of Brunne, The Chronicle; TB: John Lydgate, Troy Book; TC: Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde; TNA: The National Archives of the UK; Whiting: Whiting, Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases.

1m the genology as is comprised in the grete Brute. The “genology” referred to here is the genealogy of the Trojans contained in several manuscripts of HRB, in RMB, and in a number of Latin Bruts (see note 2.57–96). In all likelihood the “grete Brute” is one of these texts rather than a Middle English Prose Brut.

the cronicles of Itaylle. Possibly a reference to MO or a text dealing with the Trojan war (see note 2.97–144 below).

De Gestis Enee Regis Latinorum. Hardyng may be referring to a romance dealing with the events surrounding the Trojan war (see note 2.97–144 below). Identification of the illegible “Pli[?]” might shed further light on this matter.

Cronica Bruti . . . primi Anglie. This alludes to HRB §§1–4.

14–56 I shalle . . . my fone. Hardyng employs two rhetorical features common to fifteenth-century literature to lend authority to himself, as an author, and his text. His claim to be “symple” and devoid of skill (2.15, 2.48) should not be taken at face value; it is part of a humility topos found in many late medieval prologues (on this topic see Lawton, “Dullness,” p. 762). Equally, his call to God for help with completing the Chronicle blends affected modesty with the topos of invoking classical deities. Like Osbern Bokenham in his Legendys of Hooly Wummen and John Walton, whose translation of Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae appears to have influenced 2.24–39, Hardyng sets himself apart from previous authors, like Chaucer and Lydgate, whom he imitates elsewhere, but attains a moral victory over them by emphasizing his own piety over their partiality for pagan assistance. At the same time, Hardyng adds unquestionable authority to his text by indicating that it is inspired by God and therefore aligned with truth. Hardyng’s use of poetry by Chaucer, Lydgate and Walton is explored in Peverley, “Chronicling the Fortunes.” For other examples of the topos see Chaucer’s TC 1.6–14, 4.22–28; TB, Prol.36–62; and Bokenham’s Life of Mary Magdalene in the Legendys of Hooly Wummen, lines 5214–24. For contemporary criticism by preachers on the use of classical authorities see Owst, Literature and Pulpit, pp. 178–80.

24 welles of Caliope. Calliope is the muse of epic poetry. In stating that he has not tasted, or drank, from her wells, Hardyng means that he lacks poetic eloquence. Compare Chaucer’s Franklin, CT V(F)716–22, and TC III.45. He appears to have based the phrase on Walton’s Boethius, p. 3 (“And certayn I haue tasted wonder lyte / As of the welles of calliope”), but other poets similarly called upon Calliope for inspiration; compare, for example, Lydgate, FP, 3.8–9.

25–32 Saturnus. . . Protheus. The gods and goddesses that Hardyng refuses to invoke are as follows: Saturn, Titan god of time and father of Jupiter; Jupiter, king of the gods and sky in Roman mythology; Mars, Roman god of war; Mercury, messenger of the gods in Roman mythology; Venus, Roman goddess of love; Ceres, Roman goddess of the earth; Phoebus, the sun god, also known as Apollo; Seneus, a god we have been unable to identify positively, though it may, unusually, be Cenaeus, a surname of Zeus derived from Cape Cenaeum in Euboea (see Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, I:663–64); Pallas Athena, the Greek goddess of war and wisdom (her Roman counterpart, Minerva, also occurs in this list); Alecto, one of the three Furies or Erinyes in Greek mythology; Megaera, one of the three Furies or Erinyes in Greek mythology; Genius, the daimon, or spiritual essence, of an individual; Tisiphone, one of the three Furies or Erinyes in Greek mythology; Cupid, Roman god of love and son of Venus; Hymen or Hymenaeus, Greek god of marriage; Minerva, Roman goddess of wisdom (her Greek counterpart, Pallas Athena, is also listed); Diana, Roman goddess of the moon; Bacchus, Roman god of wine and festivities; Cerberus, three-headed dog of the underworld in Greek and Roman mythology; Manes, spirits of the dead; Glaucus, a Greek sea god; Vulcane, Roman god of fire; and Protheus, Greek prophetic sea god and herdsman of Poseidon’s seals.

46 Guyen. Guyenne was a province in southwest France.

49–52 Here Hardyng’s modesty topos again echoes Chaucer, CT X(I)55–60, among others.

57–96 Bot of . . . so gloryus. In tracing the lineage of Brute’s ancestors back to Adam, Hardyng appears to follow the same genealogy as RMB 1.209–428. However, similar genealogies of the Trojans occur in several manuscripts of HRB (see Crick, “Historia,” pp. 43–44), and in some manuscripts of the Latin Prose Brut, making it difficult to ascertain which specific source(s) Hardyng utilized. Selective parts of the lineage also appear in other chronicles, such as HB, MO, P, EH, and NC.

97–144 Whom Ercules . . . rial toure. Reference to the first destruction of Troy is also made in RMB 1.339–40, 1.439–50, and P II:406-07, which Hardyng may have used; however, given that he goes on to include details not found in these chronicles, such as the width of new Troy and the height of its walls (1.137–44), this part of the text could have been influenced by a non-chronicle source, such as Lydgate’s TB (2.82–96, 2.571–88), another account of the fall of Troy similar to the Laud Troy Book (1825–26), or the alliterative “Gest hystoriale” of the Destruction of Troy (1007 ff., 1538, 1546–48), all of which are based on Guido delle Colonne’s Historia destructionis Troiae, pp. 46–47. Crick notes that some manuscripts of the HRB contain Guido’s Troy story or the Historia de excidio Troie attributed to Dares Phrygius (Historia, pp. 37–39 and 47–48), so it is possible that a similar manuscript supplied Hardyng with the information for this section. Nevertheless, there is sufficient correspondence between Lydgate’s work and the Chronicle to recommend TB as a potential source for Hardyng’s description of Priam’s Troy, as well as his “Conceyte” on the fall of Troy (2.105m) and his address to Laomedon (“Leamedon”). Further investigation of the sources used by RMB might help to ascertain whether Hardyng utilized a single text, which combined all of the aforementioned elements, or blended two separate works; for a discussion of RMB’s possible sources see RMB, ed. Sullens (pp. 695–96). The temporary switch to eight-line stanzas at the start of Book 2 may indicate that Hardyng was using a source written in eight-line stanzas for this section of the work, although it is possible that this change was influenced by Walton’s translation of Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae, which Hardyng knew and used at the start of Book 2 (see note 2.14–56).

99 Destroyed Troy. The pun is irresistible in implying that Troy, through fate and bad decisions, undoes itself. See 104m, “Troy for litil myght hafe,” and line 118, “distroynge Troys cyté.” Compare Chaucer’s TC (1.68), “Troie sholde destroied be.”

129 Exiona. Possibly an error for Polyxena, Priam’s daughter, or a misreading of Hesione (“Esionam”), daughter of Laomedon, who is taken by the Greeks after the first destruction of Troy. See, for example, P II:406; RMB 1.346; TB, 1.4343; Laud Troy Book, line 1709; and “Gest hystoriale” of the Destruction of Troy, line 1387.

163–205 With alle . . . more discordance. Aeneas’s encounter with Dido does not occur in HRB, HRBVV, RB, RMB, Brut, or NC, but Hardyng could have known the story from a number of sources, including MO (pp. 398–99) and P (II:432–33), which mention Dido’s great love for Aeneas, and from those works dealing with the fall of Troy mentioned above (see notes 2.97–144 and 2.129), or from Chaucer’s House of Fame, part 1, which divagates extensively and amusingly on their relationship. Lydgate’s FP briefly touches upon Dido’s encounter with Aeneas, but makes no reference, as Hardyng does, to Dido’s desire to make Aeneas her “husbonde” or the fact that he “stale fro hire” (2.168–69). Aeneas’s vision and his helping King Evander are absent in HRB, HRBVV, RB, RMB, Brut, and NC, where only King Latinus and Turnus are mentioned, but Evander is present in MO, p. 399, P II:434–35, and EH I:43. Interestingly, P II:434–35 also contains a reference to Pompeius Trogus, whom Hardyng mentions as a source at 1.1m, 1.176m, and 2.554m.

217–20 This Eneas . . . was hayre. The castle named after Lavinia, “Lavynyane” (2.219), is mentioned in HRBVV §6, RB lines 70–72, LB lines 96–97, RMB 1.790–92, and P II:434–35, but not HRB, Brut, and NC.

221–24 Of whom . . . londes echone. The child referred to is Silvius Posthumus, so called because he was born after Aeneas’s death. In HRB §6, OV lines 17–22, Brut p. 5, NC fol. 3v, only one Silvius, son of Ascanius, is mentioned, but Hardyng, like HRBVV §6, HA p. 24–27, RB lines 74–117, LB lines 99–133, and RMB 1.797–834 includes two: one, Silvius Posthumous, the son of Aeneas by Lavinia; the other, Silvius Julius, son of Ascanius and father of Brute. Interestingly, P (II:442–43) goes on to discuss the conflicting information about the two Silvii in its sources, and MO (p. 399) provides a list of the many Silvii who reigned in Italy. Wright believes that the introduction of two Silvii derives from a lost text of HRBVV (see HRBVV, pp. xcix–ci).

229–32 Whan Abdon . . . of sentement. Abdon is also mentioned in FH I:19, MO p. 398, P II:418–19, and EH I:43. FH and P record Abdon as judge in Israel during and after destruction of Troy, but they do not mention Homer in the same section; MO and EH on the other hand do. MO is of particular interest here because its dating of Abdon’s reign against other events matches Hardyng’s reckoning of 330 years before the foundation of Rome (2.228).

236 House of Fame. The concept of a house of fame was made most famous by Chaucer’s work of the same name, which retells the story of Aeneas in part 1. Lydgate also mentions it in his TB (3.4254, Envoy 14), and FP (3.2352, 4.122, 5.420, 6.109, 6.514, 6.3093, 8.26).

246 corporaly. Hardyng’s use of corporally as an adverb is earlier than the first instance recorded in the OED by Caxton in 1483 (s.v. corporally). He appears to be using it to designate the passing of time in this world, much like one would use the adverb “temporally.”

250 Creusa, Lavynes nese. There is some confusion here, either on Hardyng’s part or in a hitherto unidentified source used by him. In classical mythology Lavinia’s niece is usually unnamed, and Creusa is the name of Aeneas’s first wife, mother of Ascanius and daughter of Priam; she is left behind as Aeneas flees from Troy. See HRBVV §6, RB lines 84–88, FH I:19, P II:436–37, RMB 1.733–36, and EH I:304. Hardyng may also have encountered her in the romances dealing with Troy mentioned in note 2.97–144 above or in Chaucer’s Legend of Good Women, although there is no evidence within the Chronicle to suggest that he knew the latter.

253 hire pitese. Hardyng associates female virtue with the quality of pity once again (see note 1.20–61 above), but this stanza is critical of women’s abuse of that quality. Creusa is deflowered because of Silvius’s “subtilitese” (2.252), not because she willingly gave herself to him out of pity, as Hardyng implies some women are prone to doing when they encounter a man in adversity; compare, Chaucer’s Merchant’s Tale, where May decides to take Damian as her lover because she is “fulfilled of pitee” (CT IV[E]1995). Hardyng’s portrayal of Silvius may have been influenced by a text such as CPL I:4, where the words “enchaunta” and “larcenus” are used to describe his seduction of Lavinia’s niece.

257–64 Askanyus whan . . . his humanyté. The prophecies made here about Brute are later linked with destiny, Fortune, and divine providence. See 2.280, 2.321–36, and 2.512.

269–72 In whiche . . . no mo. Although the syntax is unclear, Hardyng appears to ascribe the foundation of Alba (“Aube”) to Silvius Posthumous, not Ascanius, who builds the city in HRB §6, RB lines 91–92, LB line 111, MO p. 399, and RMB 1.807–08. In these chronicles Alba is mentioned before the prophecies concerning Brute, but Hardyng, or the source he is using, switches the order. Alba is not mentioned in OV, Brut, or NC.

280 predestinate. The reference to destiny recalls Hardyng’s earlier explanation of the prophecies governing Brute’s life and Fortune’s role in shaping his future. See 2.257–64, 2.321–36, 2.512.

281–312 His fadir . . . to dispende. The wide range of social, literary, and military skills encompassed in Brute’s education corresponds with the sort of curriculum followed by a noble youth in the later Middle Ages. This passage is unique to Hardyng and may reflect the kind of education that he received whilst in the service of the Percy family, since servants of gentle and high rank in noble households often received tuition similar to their young masters. In reality the biennial sequence prescribed by Hardyng would not have been so rigid, but the approximate ages provided for the start of each new activity do correspond with extant examples of medieval instruction and with the recommended ages for similar activities in late medieval educational treatises. Hardyng’s suggestion that hunting and military training should commence at fourteen and sixteen respectively echoes the suggestions made in Christine de Pisan’s Book of the Fayttes of Armes (p. 29) and the earliest English prose translation of Vegetius's De Re Militari (p. 52) both of which draw upon Giles of Rome’s De Regimine Principum, which, in turn, was known in both its Latin form and in a Middle English translation by John Trevisa (see Governance of Kings and Princes, pp. 242–43, 399). For the accuracy of ages given by Hardyng, see Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry (pp. 51–60, 144–56, 182), and Green, Poets and Princepleasers, passim.

287 fiftene yere age. Hardyng’s source for Brute’s age is RMB, which in turn follows RB and HRB. Several other kings and knights are singled out in the Chronicle for achieving remarkable feats in their youth: see, for example, Constantine, the first Christian king of Britain, who is said to show “Grete manhode” in his “chyldissh yeres” (3.505–11); King Arthur, who is fifteen when he inherits the throne and expels the Saxons from his land (3.2248–49); Galahad, who is also fifteen when he joins Arthur’s court, achieves the Siege Perilous, and embarks on his Grail quest (3.2954–55); Thomas Umfraville, who is sixteen when he defeats the Scots (6.2391–99); and Gilbert Umfraville, who completes his rite of passage on the Scottish borders and gains a fearsome reputation amongst his enemies (6.3436–49). Hardyng’s decision to emphasize the age of such figures may indicate that he wished to make them comparable with the chivalric heroes of medieval romance, who frequently surpass their peers and achieve great things in adolescence. Equally, he may have planned to associate the potential for greatness in young men with Henry VI, who ascended the throne as a child and whose minority ended, not inconsequentially, where Hardyng chose to end this version of the Chronicle.

313–44 So was . . . with joy. Hardyng’s presentation of Brute as a constant, virtuous young man “withoute mutabilité” (2.320) contrasts with the capriciousness of Fortune and introduces one of the principal themes of the Chronicle: the notion that no man can eschew the mutability of Fortune, but steadfastness and virtue provide the best defense against her. At 2.326–28 Hardyng puns on the word “herte,” as Brute brings “unquyet” to his own heart by shooting at a hart and accidentally killing his father. Of greater interest, however, are 2.322 and 2.344, where Hardyng appropriates phrases from Chaucer’s TC 1.1, 1.54, and 3.617. His depiction of Brute as physician to the Trojans’ “double sorowe” (2.344) recalls the Boethian sickness imagery used in the prologue to describe Hardyng’s twofold distress at being unrewarded and injured from his royal service (see note Prol.29–35 above). This may imply that Hardyng intended to align Henry VI’s potential to “leche” his subjects’ sorrows (2.344) with Brute’s ability to help and emancipate the Trojans. For further discussion of Hardyng’s use of TC see Peverley, “Chronicling the Fortunes.”

321–36 Hir fadir ... alle retribute. For other references to Brute’s destiny see 2.257–64, 2.280, and 2.512.

339 fortuyté. The earliest recorded use of the noun fortuity in the OED dates from circa 1747 (s.v. fortuity (n.), meaning "accident, chance, an accidental occurrence"), but Hardyng uses it much earlier here to refer to Brute’s accidental killing of his father. Compare also MED s.v. fortunite (n.), where Hardyng is the only source cited.

345–52 Syr Helenus . . . and morow. The details here correspond most closely with CPL I:6, and RMB 1.865–66, although Anchises is not mentioned in RMB.

353–553 For pyté . . . be repigned. Hardyng’s version of the story offered by HRB, RB, CPL, and RMB is greatly condensed. He omits all reference to Assaracus, the Greek lord who sympathizes with the Trojans and allows Brute to use his castles, and Membritius, the wise Trojan who suggests freeing Pandrasus and leaving Greece to seek a new land; in so doing the narrative loses some of the coherence that the other chronicles have. The fight between Coryneus and Himbert is similarly absent. On balance, a number of features suggest that Hardyng was using a version of CPL, RMB, or an intermediate source linked to them, rather than the other texts (see notes 2.381–84, 2.441, 2.444–45, and 2.545 below), but his narrative is also distinct from other texts in terms of the additional emphasis that he places on Brute’s noble characteristics by presenting him as the sole saviour of the Trojans and the wisest and strongest of leaders (see also note 2.431–32).

381–84 For whiche . . . o way. Both Hardyng and RMB 1.1021 place Brute in his castle as it is besieged by Pandrasus, whereas HRB and RB do not. CPL omits the siege entirely.

431–32 To whiche . . . grete defence. Hardyng’s Pandrasus grants Brute’s requests “with gode wille,” rather than out of fear as in other sources.

441 So saylynge forthe by two days and two nyghtes. Hardyng, LB line 559, and RMB 1.1311 give the length of Brute’s first sea voyage as two days and two nights, whereas HRB §16, HRBVV §16, RB line 617 and EH II, p. 209 specify two days and one night. In OV lines 79–80 and Brut p. 8, Brute arrives in Leogetia on the third day.

444–45 His wyfe . . . and swete. These lines echo HRB §15, CPL I:10, and EH II:209, where Brute comforts his distressed wife during the sea voyage.

455–56 Bothe herte . . . sene overalle. Diana is the goddess of the moon, hunting, and chastity in Roman mythology; the presence of many deer in the island underlines her association with hunting.

461 exspectaunce. The MED does not record the form “exspectaunce.” Hardyng appears to have used the adjective “expectaunt” as a noun (MED s.v. expectaunt and OED s.v. expectant) to rhyme with “observaunce,” which would mean that Brute offers his prayers to Diana with “expectation” or “hope” that she will respond. If this is the case, his form of “expectance” is earlier than those examples given in the OED. Another possibility is that Hardyng’s “exspectaunce” is a form of the noun “aspectaunce” (see MED s.v. aspectaunce) meaning “expression (of the face).” This would mean that Brute offers his prayers with expression. The former seems most likely given that Brute goes to Diana to ask for guidance.

489 Columpnes of Ercules. The Columns, or Pillars, of Hercules is the ancient name for the Straights of Gibraltar.

512 werdes of desteny. Hardyng refers once again to the role of Fortune and destiny in Brute’s life. Compare 2.257–64, 2.280, and 2.321–36.

524 Dusze Piers. The “Twelve Peers” is a collective title usually given to the twelve paladins of Charlemagne; it is also used, more generally, as here, to refer to the twelve great peers of France (temporal, and ecclesiastic). See MED s.v. dousse-per (n.).

545 Ovyde. Hardyng’s allusion to Ovid may be derived from CPL I:10 and RMB 1.1363–64, where he is mentioned just before Brute prays to Diana.

554m Nota how . . . armes of Eneas. The description of Brute’s arms given here does not occur in Justin’s Epitome of Pompeius Trogus or Gerald of Wales’ Topography of Ireland, as Hardyng maintains. An identification of the enigmatic cronycles of Romanye may shed further light on this matter, but given his penchant for heraldry, Hardyng may have invented the arms himself. It is not unusual for medieval romances and genealogies to provide descriptions of the arms belonging to classical heroes; see, for example, the Laud Troy Book 4538–39, 4775–78; The “Gest Hystoriale” of the Destruction of Troy 5926–28, 6144–46; and the genealogical roll made for Edward IV extant in Philadelphia Free Library, MS Lewis E201, which includes the banners of Brute and Pandrasus.

560–61 Whiche by . . . and oppreste. This is Hardyng’s second reference to the giants oppressing the inhabitants of Albion (see note 1.257–80 above).

570–74 Into this . . . ought enquere. Compare with CPL I:20, and RMB 1.1745–48.

575–659 Thus Brutus . . . lyfe inordynate. Hardyng’s account of Coryneus’s victory over Gogmagog and Brute’s establishment of Britain is comparable with, although much shorter than, HRB §21, CPL I:20–22, RMB 1.1757–1919 and EH II:218–19. Of greater interest, perhaps, is the way in which Hardyng reflects on the episode to establish what makes a kingdom flourish or fail. A good strong leader, like Brute, who provides for his people, offers a solid foundation for a successful civilization; Albine’s society on the other hand is founded on sin (namely pride, a failed murder plot, and lust) and is therefore destined to fall. Hardyng makes a point of explaining that the destruction of the giants and the foundation of a new civilization was made possible because of God’s will. Lines 639–52 are a reworking of Chaucer’s TC 5.1828–41, but instead of warning his audience to turn their thoughts away from earthly love and look to heaven, Hardyng adapts Chaucer’s verse to suit the moral of his narrative by admonishing pride and evil living. His observation that God will take “vengeance” (2.654) on those who sin and embrace misrule — further emphasized by 2.639m and the plethora of proverbial wisdom at 2.653–59 — echoes the earlier notice of the giants’ malevolence at 1.301, and prefigures his later allusions to God destroying the wicked (see, for example, 2.1004, 2.1388, 2.1937, 3.335; for more on this topic see Peverley, “Chronicling the Fortunes”). Hardyng may have been struck by the biblical connotations of the name Gogmagog, for in Ezekiel 38–39 God threatens to inflict “Gog, the land of Magog” upon the Israelites as punishment for their sins (see also Ezekiel 38:2; Apocalypse 20:7–9). If so, he would undoubtedly have interpreted the Trojans’ journey as a classical parallel of the biblical Exodus and quest for the Promised Land.

Significantly, the interjection at 2.639 is the only one that is not directly addressed to lords and princes; in essence the phrase “fresshe and lusty creatures” is general enough to apply to all levels of the social spectrum, but since it is appropriated from Chaucer’s romance, Hardyng may have intended it to apply more specifically to members of the middle to high social strata.

625–31 Rewardynge ever . . . withouten fayle. Hardyng may have intended to invite a parallel between Brute’s gifting of land to his loyal men and his own plea to be rewarded with Geddington Manor for his loyalty.

633 kalendes of a chaunge. This phrase appears to be taken from Chaucer’s TC 5.1634 (see note 2.575–659 above).

639–45 O ye . . . abd gay. Compare TC 5.1835–41.

646–52 Suche fyne . . . fals array. Compare TC 5.1828–32.

667–743 Thus Kynge . . . onto se. This section has more in common with the details given in RMB 1.1845–1940, than HRB §22 and RB lines 1169–1246, but Hardyng omits RMB’s references to Gurmund and Lud, and moves the notice of Coryneus’s naming of Cornwall to the end of his fight with Gogmagog. Whilst RB and RMB include references to Brute’s tending the land, the civilizing effect that Hardyng’s Brute has on the realm is more emphatic and offers a striking contrast to fifteenth-century England under Henry VI. Hardyng accentuates the establishment of Trojan law in Britain to a greater degree than other chroniclers, highlighting the peace and stability that this brings to the realm after the iniquities and unrest suffered under the giants of Albion. In so doing, he is able to underscore a greater contrast between the Trojans’ cultivation of the land and the wilderness that was there “before” (2.684). The depiction of the Trojans participating in chivalric activities, such as jousting, feasting, and hunting, may derive from TC (see, for example, 3.1718 and 3.1779–80) or Lydgate’s TB (2.784–804). Hardyng’s justification for disliking the French form “Novel Troy” (2.719) is unique and probably stems more from his own xenophobic dislike of the French than the etymological argument he puts forward.

676–80 In whiche. . . townes edifyde. In contrast with Albyne’s kingdom, Brute’s realm is governed by “rytes and lawes” (2.676). This is the first of many references within the Chronicle where the establishment and maintenance of just laws is shown to be conducive to peace, a point strongly emphasized in HRB as the mark of kingship.

703 On his language. That is, his Celtic dialect. Hardyng seems to recognize that Thamyse is not a Latin word (it is a Celtic term for river). He knows little of Celtic languages, of course, but explains the peculiarity “Of his language” (2.708) in terms of its descent from “Of Troys language as Turkes yit use and haunte” (2.718).

720 That Frenshe. . . and unkynde. The lack of “tendyrnesse” (2.721) shown to Brute and his men in France would undoubtedly have resonated with Hardyng’s audience; following severe territorial losses across the Channel, anti-French sentiment in England was rife in the 1450s.

730–36 That tyme . . . in Italy. This information ultimately comes from HB §11, but Hardyng presumably knew it through another source such as HRB §22. The material is also contained in RB lines 1247–50, FH I:25, and EH II:219, but it does not occur in OV, CPL, RMB, Brut, or NC. The erroneous attribution of information in HB to Gildas is common in medieval chronicles.

744–71 And at . . . of nature. In describing Brute’s division of the kingdom between his sons, Hardyng follows the tradition represented by OV, CPL, EH, and Brut, not HRB, HRBVV, RB, RMB, and NC, which have the sons divide the kingdom after their father’s death. In giving the length of Brute’s reign as twenty-four years, the Chronicle provides the same information as HRB §23; HRBVV §23; RB line 1257; P II:444–45; CPL I:22; RMB 1.1933–34; EH II:220; and NC fol. 6v, but not OV and Brut.

Hardyng makes more of Brute’s burial than the aforementioned texts by assigning him a tomb in the temple of Apollo, which he equates with St. Paul’s Cathedral, London, and placing Brute’s death in the year 1176 BC, a calculation which may help to identify a more specific source for these passages in the future.

751m But Giraldus . . . this balade. Gerald of Wales says nothing of the sort, but Hardyng offers a reasonable justification for believing that Brute had a longer reign, even if his own Chronicle contradicts this marginalia by giving his reign as twenty-four years.

772–85 O gude. . . dyd love. Hardyng’s interjection emphasizes the fact that Brute’s good governance makes him worthy of God’s eternal salvation, even though he was a pagan born before Christ.

786–834 Of Brutus . . . his successory. The order in which Hardyng presents Brute’s sons is the same as that in HRB §23, RB lines 1259–60, Gerald of Wales’ Description of Wales p. 232, LB lines 1054–66, FH I:27, P II:444–45, CPL I:22, RMB 1.1942–43, and NC fols. 6v–7r, where Locryne is the eldest, then Camber, then Albanacte. This is important because it allows Hardyng to accentuate the additional authority that Locryne has over his younger brothers, particularly Albanacte, the first king of Scotland, who is older than Camber in HRBVV §23; OV lines 187–88; EH II:220; and Brut p. 12. Hardyng stresses the sovereignty of Loegria (England) over Albany (Scotland) more than any of the aforementioned chroniclers, because it allows him to stress the theme of English suzerainty that was first introduced in the Prologue and that permeates the entire Chronicle.

Though Brute’s establishment of Trojan law in Britain first occurs in HRB, Hardyng uses it to parallel his earlier reference to Greek inheritance laws legitimizing Albyne’s claim to Albion and reinforce Locryne’s supremacy over his brothers. In describing how the poet “Mewyne” later set down “the lawes of Troy” in a work called “Infynytes” (2.822–31), Hardyng establishes the importance of law to society, paves the way for later accounts of rulers who have established new laws and had them written down, such as Dunwallo (2.1521m), Marcyan and Alfred (2.1855–58), and provides precedents to allude to in later appeals to Henry VI to uphold the law and rectify contemporary injustices.

We have been unable to identify “Infynytes” (2.831). It could have been invented by Hardyng, especially since the title emphasizes the eternal nature of the law, and thereby England’s enduring right to rule Scotland according to Trojan law. However, the title may derive from a lost source, because, as Richard Moll has noted, the enigmatic Mewyn credited with copying his books at Glastonbury (“Mewytryne”) probably results from Hardyng’s misreading “of a Welsh placename, Inis-witrin, and the associated prophet, Melkin,” who appears in JG (“Another Reference,” p. 298). For further discussion of Melkin, the texts attributed to him by other authors, and the possible influence of JG, or a related “florilegium of Glastonbury lore,” on Hardyng, see Carley, “Melkin the Bard”; JG, pp. lii–lx; and Riddy, “Glastonbury.” See also note 2.2611–47 below.

835–953 Bot as . . . and curiouse. Hardyng’s account of the death of Albanacte, his brothers’ battle against Humber, and Locryne’s affair with Estrilde follows HRB §§24–25, but omits a number of the details in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s story, such as Coryneus brandishing his axe at Locryne and the length of Locryne’s affair with Estrilde, which is also omitted in CPL I:26. Instead, Hardyng emphasises Locryne’s position as overlord of Scotland (2.870–76), names the god that Locryne pretends to worship as Jupiter, and notes that Guendolyne sent Maddan to Cornwall after the death of Coryneus.

844 thare sores to complayne. This phrase echoes both the prologue, where Hardyng reveals that the king is the only man who can heal his sorrow (Prol.29–30), and 2.343–44, where the Trojans have their “double sorowe” healed by Brute.

849m eschete. This term refers to the “reversion of land to the king or lord of a fee;” see MED s.v. eschete (n.).

954–1016 This Maddan . . . in Lacedemonya. Hardyng’s version of the reigns of Maddan and Membrice is very similar to RMB 1.2115–2142. Both give the length of the kings’ reigns as forty and twenty years respectively, present Manlyn as the elder brother, mention Membrice’s bestiality, and conclude with reference to “Eristens” (Eurysthenes) reigning in “Lacedemonya” (Sparta). Hardyng’s account is nevertheless exceptional for the striking contrast it creates between Maddan’s peaceful reign and the strife witnessed under Membrice. The observation that under Maddan no man would dare to “displese” (2.969) his neighbor is comparable with the Chronicle’s praise of Henry V and Sir Robert Umfraville (7.586–88, 7.592, 7.906–07), and with later criticism of contemporary strife in England, where “In every shire, with jakkes and salades clene / Missereule doth ryse and maketh neyghbours were” (7.1009–10; see also 7.643–44). The suggestion that Maddan’s two sons were born to defend the realm from war and strife likewise parallels Hardyng’s later criticisms of Henry VI and his magnates failing to use their privileged position to serve the common weal and bring an end to civil unrest. Finally, while Hardyng’s reference to God taking vengeance on Membrice for his perversion is consistent with the interpretation of his savage end in OV (lines 263–67) and in Brut (p. 14), he builds upon the notion of divine retribution by depicting the pagan goddess Minerva (“Mynerve”) as God’s scourge, and describing the hellish torments she inflicts upon Membrice’s soul.

1017–1114 Ebrauke his . . . cyté pryncipalle. For the most part, the narrative concerning Ebrauke is analogous to HRB §27 and RMB 1.2143–2202, although neither source contains all of the details that Hardyng includes here. Like RB line 1539; CPL I:30; P III:14–15; RMB 1.2165; OV line 271; and Brut p. 15, Hardyng gives the length of the king’s reign as sixty years, but he follows HRB, P, and EH II:226, by explaining the rationale behind Ebrauke’s sending his daughters to Italy and by putting events into a universal context. The account in RMB agrees with the first etymological explanation Hardyng gives concerning Maiden Castle, but the connections he makes between Ebrauke’s foundations and the castles of Arthurian romance are unique, as is his reference to the folklore associated with Saint Patrick at Dumbarton (see notes 2.1033–44, 2.1052–65, and 2.1066–72 below). However, see also Le Petit Bruit (p. 6), which makes reference to Ebrauke’s two castles and attributes the information to the testimony of the Saint Grail (“a la testemoinaunce Seint Graal”), presumably an allusion to the Vulgate Cycle, or a similar Arthurian text.

1033–44 A castelle . . . tho wones. These lines allude to the death of the Lady of Escalot, who falls in love with Sir Lancelot and dies when he rejects her. In the Vulgate La Mort le Roi Artu (p. 113), which Hardyng shows familiarity with elsewhere, the boat on which the lady’s dead body is placed sails to Camelot, not Lancelot’s castle, Dolorouse Garde (or Joyous Garde as he later renames it; see p. 87). For further discussion of Hardyng’s association of Dolorouse Garde with Bamburgh, and related sources, see Moll, “Ebrauke.”

1052–65 High on . . . that awarde. Hardyng appears to be conflating two episodes from Arthurian romance involving Ywain, a knight of the Round Table, who defeats a giant named Harpin of the Mountain, travels to the town of Dire Adventure (“Pesme Aventure”), and rescues a host of ladies kept in servitude by the king of the Isle of Maidens ("li rois de l’Isle as Puceles"); see Chrétien de Troyes’ Chevalier au Lion, 5111 ff. and the Middle English Ywain and Gawain, 2931 ff. (it is unlikely that he knew the Welsh analogue Owain). Hardyng aligns the Isle of Maidens in the romance with the “Mayden Castelle” (2.1064) he knows as Edinburgh and casts the two demons that Ywain must defeat to free the women as a giant, possibly confusing this episode with Ywain’s earlier encounter with Harpin.

The Vulgate Grail quest, during which Yvain helps Gawain to liberate the Castle of Maidens from seven wicked knights, could, alternatively, have inspired Hardyng’s anecdote, but, on balance, the presence of a giant makes Chrétien de Troyes’ Le Chevalier au Lion a more likely source. Lines 3.3012–16 and 3.3191 may also have been influenced by Chrétien’s works.

1066m Nota quod . . . vocatur Dunbretayne. The marginalia alludes to P II:64–69. The reference to Sulwath may indicate that Hardyng was using Trevisa’s translation of P rather than Higden’s text (see also note 2.1017–1114 above, where other correspondences between Hardyng’s text and P in this section are noted).

1066–72 The cyté . . . donge therein. Saint Patrick was purportedly born in Dumbarton (see MacPhail, Dumbarton Castle, p. 4). The miracles that Hardyng attributes to the saint are no doubt derived from folk tradition (compare also 7.1296–97), but we have only been able to locate one other reference to Saint Patrick’s proscription that no horse should dung in Dumbarton Castle in what appears to be a sixteenth-century paraphrase of Hardyng’s itinerary of Scotland. The document, which survives in three copies, provides “An abstracte for Englyschemen to knowe the realme of Scotlande thorowe oute,” giving the distances between the towns through which an invading army should pass and some notes about local features. One of the features mentioned is that Dumbarton is the strongest castle in Scotland and that at Saint Patrick’s request “there should never horse dung in it.” The document appears to be associated with a memorandum of 1542 made in preparation for Henry VIII’s invasion of Scotland (see Gairdner and Brodie, Letters and Papers, 17, pp. 584–85).

1115–98 Hys sonne . . . his hire. For the reigns of Brute Grenesheelde, Leyle, Rudhudibrace, and Bladud, Hardyng’s text is comparable with HRB §§28–30, RMB 1.2203–2260, and EH II:226–27 (which also equates the Temple of Apollo with St. Paul's). The references to Gildas and Walter of Oxford at 2.1128 and 2.1189–90 appear to be Hardyng’s own; by referring to Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, as a source, Hardyng actually means Geoffrey of Monmouth, who claims to have drawn upon a work given to him by Walter (see 2.1m above). Other chronicles to make this mistake include the Scalacronica and Geffrei Gaimar’s L’Estoire des Engleis, see Moll, Before Malory, (p. 43).

1199–1303 Aftyr hym . . . had deserved. Hardyng’s account of King Leyre omits a number of details found in most other chronicles, particularly HRB §31 and RMB 1.2261–2549. It does not remark on Leyre’s partiality for Cordele; Leyre’s retinue is only downsized once before Ragawe asks him to disband it completely; Leyre does not return to Goneril after Ragawe upsets him; and the king’s lengthy lament on Fortune is excluded. There are nevertheless some interesting additions: Hardyng describes the way in which the “r” in the pronunciation of “Leyrecestre” was set aside “to make the language swettre” (2.1203–05); Leyre is advised to seek Cordele’s help by his friends; Cordele is touchingly buried next to her father as her soul ascends to Janus and Minerva; and, perhaps most idiosyncratic of all, marginalia is added to show how the story of Leyre underscores England’s suzerainty over Scotland.

1304–52 Syr Margan . . . and mortalyté. Hardyng appropriates his information from HRB §§32–33, RMB 1.2550–2608, or a similar source. The observation that Britain was established 599 years before the foundation of Rome is comparable with RMB 1.2595–2600, which makes a similar statement but provides a date of 397 years, perhaps indicating that Hardyng’s source was a lost version of RMB containing a different reading, or an analogous text drawn upon by both RMB and Hardyng.

1353–1408 Gurgustius his . . . grete myght. The characteristics Hardyng ascribes to Gurgustius, Sisilius, Iago, and Kymar are unique. Through assigning good or bad qualities to each monarch, he is able to contrast good and bad kingship and stress the role of divine providence in determining a monarch’s fate. His warning that those sovereigns who fail to uphold the law and protect the peace are “In moste perile . . . forto be slayne / Or els put doun right by his undirloute” (2.1404–05) encapsulates one of the Chronicle’s most important themes and anticipates later cautions that Henry VI’s monarchy is in danger if he fails to restore justice and peace to the realm. Also of interest is the fact that Hardyng, like CPL I:40, makes Kymar the son of Iago.

1409–92 Gorbodyan that . . . youre sovereynté. Unlike their counterparts in other sources, Hardyng’s Ferrex is sent to France in his father’s lifetime for causing discord and Queen Judon kills Porrex without the help of her handmaidens. The Chronicle is similar to RB lines 2195–98, OV line 441–43, EH II:234, and Brut pp. 22–23, in stating that the kingdom was divided between four kings, but only Hardyng and RMB 1.2658 give the length of the conflict as forty years. The most notable feature of this section is Hardyng’s amplification of the break-down of social order and his use of the exemplarity of the ancient civil war to warn contemporary “prynces and lordes of hye estate” (2.1486) about the importance of exercising their power to uphold law and peace.

1491 Iff pese and lawe be layde and unyté. In this line, “unyté” — with “pese” and “lawe” — is a subject of "be layde."

1493–1555 And whils . . . hym come. The text follows the basic outline of Dunwallo’s military campaign and his subsequent reign as presented in RMB 1.2673–2768, which, like P III:246–47, and EH II:236, locates Dunwallo’s burial inside his temple of peace rather than adjacent to it (as in HRB, RB, and FH). EH is unlikely to have been a source for this section because it gives the length of Dunwallo’s reign as forty-three years and comments on the cities he founded (as do OV, Brut, NC), but P may have been used alongside a version of RMB or a related text. Gildas, mentioned at 2.1546, is similarly cited as a source in HRB §34, P III:246–47, and later in EH. Hardyng’s unique address to the “prynce” (2.1549), either Henry VI or his son Edward, serves to highlight the Chronicle’s repeated appeal for good governance and justice from the contemporary sovereign.

1556–1800 Than felle . . . and laste. The history of Belyn and Brenny appears to draw upon HRB §§35–44, RB lines 2313–3240, RMB 1.2769–3598, or a similar source, rather than the shorter, alternative accounts found in OV and Brut. Hardyng omits the detailed descriptions of the brothers’ military campaigns found in HRB, RB, and RMB, and abbreviates the rest of the narrative. His text is remarkably close to RB and RMB in its reference to the extreme sadness of the people upon Belyn’s death, and like CPL, it omits all reference to the brothers’ having to fight on two fronts — against Germany and Italy — when the Romans repudiate their treaty. The references to Geoffrey of Monmouth (2.1689m), Alfred of Beverley (2.1689m), the River Allia (“Awbe,” 2.1722), King Assuere (2.1748), Socrates (2.1749), and Orosius (2.1738m) are probably taken from P III:260–61, 264–75, and 294–95, although Martin of Troppau (2.1746), whom Hardyng lists as a source, is not mentioned at this point in the printed edition of P. Since MO was a source for P, Hardyng may have been working from a manuscript of P that acknowledged its debt to MO for this information, or he may have included “Martyne” after finding references to the Allia, King Assuere, Socrates, Orosius, and the dating from the foundation of Rome in MO (p. 403). Given the reference to P in the gloss before 2.1801 and the possible correspondence between the Chronicle and P at 2.1801m, it is more likely that P is being used here. Hardyng’s personal touches include the marginalia drawing attention to Brenny’s deference to Belyn as overlord of Albany (Scotland) and the rebuke addressed to Fortune on account of her mutability.

1689m secundum Alfridum . . . Monemutensem. See note 2.1556–1800 above.

1738m Secundum computacionem Orosii ad Augustinum. “According to the computation of Orosius to Augustine.” See note 2.1556–1800 above. This marginalia occurs alongside line 1742.

1801m Nota that . . . Radulphi Cestrensis. Although Hardyng appears to have known and used P I:344–45 and III:328–29, for some of the details given in the section this marginalia accompanies, it is not his only source. See also notes 2.1556–1800 and 2.1801–1940.

1801–1940 Gurguyn his . . . I gesse. None of the individual sources considered here contains all of the details given by Hardyng. In all likelihood HRB §§45–48 provided the information for the reigns of Gurguyn, Guytelyn, and Morvyde, but it is silent about the nature of Danyus’s reign. RMB 1.3599–3775, or a text related to it and CPL I:50–55, seems to have supplied the length of each king’s reign, but it lacks the anachronistic reference to Alfred at 2.1857 and does not name Morvide’s mother. P is the only source to match Hardyng in placing Sysilius’s accession after his mother’s death (see II:92–93 and III: 381–83), but this, like other details, could equally have filtered into a hitherto unknown source employed by Hardyng. The marginalia on pity, the notices of Scotland’s homage to England, and the interjection on God’s vengeance are Hardyng’s own.

1809 unto his friste degré. The suggestion here seems to be that there is a direct line of fealty. In rebelling against the king the rebels break their oath of fealty to him. See also line 2.1826.

1941–2045 Gorbonyan his . . . and specyfyed. Although this section ultimately derives from HRB §§49–51, Hardyng’s account is closer to RMB 1.3776–3911 in that it places the burials of Argalle and Elydoure at Carlisle and Aldburgh respectively. CPL I:54–56 also mentions these burial places, but it lacks many of the other details included in RMB, which Hardyng repeats. The reference to few people knowing where Alclude is echoes the information at 2.1066m.

2046–2231 Gorbonyan whiche . . . fulle bounteuus. Hardyng appears to be following HRB §§52–53 and RMB 1.3912–4113. He almost certainly obtained the notice of Cheryn’s drunkenness (also in RB), and Ely’s burial at Castor (also in CPL I:58) from RMB, but he develops both details in a unique manner. The conceit on drunkenness serves as a warning to princes about the dangers of intoxication, whilst simultaneously providing an explanation for the weakness of Cheryn’s sons. By the same token, the discussion about the location of Ely’s burial allows Hardyng to show his discerning nature at work by defending his rationale for dismissing those sources that place Ely at Castor, Lincolnshire (i.e., CPL and RMB). In incorporating additional, albeit brief, information about how good or bad a number of the kings were, Hardyng is able to adjust the monotonous list of names provided by his sources into useful examples of good and bad kingship.

2232–2451 So felle . . . his excelence. Hardyng abbreviates the story of Cassibalan’s reign and Caesar’s invasions found in HRB §§54–63 and RMB 1.4127–5245, apparently combining details from each, or using an intermediate source that drew upon both. See, for example, the reference to Caesar fighting Pompey, which occurs in HRB (possibly the “Boke of Brute” referred to at 2.2431) and in one of the manuscripts of RMB (London, Lambeth Palace MS 131; see RMB, pp. 216–17). The dating attributed to Bede’s “Gestes of Englonde” (2.2418) is also found in RMB (compare Bede p. 47). Although Hardyng is not alone in presenting Cassibalan’s celebratory feast at 2.2326–64 in chivalric terms (see RB and RMB), he accentuates the courtly nature of the festivities more than other texts by describing how beautiful women were seated in front of the king’s men to “chere” them (compare with the later description of King Arthur’s celebrations at 3.2856–62). At lines 2.2347–53, in the second of several borrowings from John Lydgate’s “King Henry VI’s Triumphant Entry into London” (1432), Hardyng similarly emphasizes the importance of commemorating military conquests and royal power through public spectacles by comparing Cassibalan’s celebrations with Caesar’s triumphant entry into Rome and Scipio Africanus’s entry into Carthage (Lydgate, “Henry VI,” 517–20). For further discussion of Hardyng’s use of Lydgate’s poem see Peverley, “Chronicling the Fortunes.” Hardyng is correct in stating that Martin of Troppau does not mention Caesar’s being in Britain (2.2422–23).

2354–55 Bot ever . . . ay adversité. For this proverb, which Hardyng may have taken from Chaucer’s TC 1.950, see Whiting V2.

2452–2710 Tenvancius that . . . withouten lese. This section is remarkably similar to RMB 1.5246–5631, albeit in an abridged form. It appears to be indebted to it for details such as Caesar’s knighting Kymbelyn (also in RB); the dating of Christ’s birth and Kymbelyn’s death to 1200 years after Brute’s arrival in Albion; the prophet Thelofyne (Teselyn in RMB and Teleusin RB); Claudius’s sending for his daughter forty-six years after Christ’s birth; Marius’s forty-nine year reign and burial at Salisbury (also in CPL I:66); and Coile’s ten year reign and burial at Norwich (likewise in CPL I:68). Aspects taken from another source, or unique to Hardyng, include his reference to translating a chronicle “Oute of Latyne” into “balade” (see note 2.2545–49 below); the attribution of Vespasian’s coming to Britain to Gildas at 2.2573–74 (see note below); the marginalia before 2.2599 (see Textual Note 2599m) to noting women’s desire for sovereignty over their husbands (compare with the sovereignty desired by Albyne and her sisters at 1.14 and 1.212); the material concerning Joseph of Arimathea (see note 2.2611–47 below); the deliberation on the Virgin’s assumption at 2.2655–61; and the information about Rey Cross (see note 2.2676–82 below).

2466–72 Whiche Cesare . . . dyd de. This information may have come from MO (pp. 443–44).

2545–49 As cronycle . . . me submytte. There is no reason to doubt Hardyng’s claim to be using a Latin source; however, unless he is using a hitherto unknown Latin text closely linked to RMB, he is probably using HRB alongside a copy of Mannyng’s English chronicle. HRB §§68 makes reference to Claudius’s sending for Genvyse but does not give the date found in RMB.

2573–74 as sayth . . . and remembrance. Neither Gildas nor HB — the work commonly attributed to Gildas in medieval chronicles — mentions Vespasian’s coming to Britain.

2611–47 In whose . . . thurgh meschaunce. It is unclear where Hardyng obtained his information about Joseph of Arimathea, but, as Kennedy has suggested, he seems to have included this and other material relating to the Grail in response to “Scotland’s claims to preeminence as a Christian nation” (“John Hardyng and the Holy Grail,” p. 199). Hardyng may have known JG (pp. 2–3, 30–31, 54–55), as some critics have argued, or had access to a related text — a chronicle or a romance — that incorporated similar details about Joseph’s association with Glastonbury. Since EH I:157, NC fols. 21r–21v, several Latin Bruts (including the source of NC), and English Chronicle (see Marx “Aberystwyth” pp. 4–5), all describe Joseph’s burial with two phials of the bloody sweat of Christ, Hardyng could have drawn on a chronicle for the details or amalgamated information from more than one source. Similar material concerning Joseph has been interpolated into William of Malmesbury’s Antiquitate Glastonie Ecclesie, a manuscript of FH I:127, the version of Robert of Gloucester’s Chronicle in London College of Arms MS Arundel 58, and later works attesting to an ongoing interest in Joseph include the unusual Prose Brut extant in Lambeth Palace Library MS 84, William Worcester’s Itineraries (p. 298), and the life of Joseph printed in the Nova Legenda Anglie by Wynkyn de Worde in 1516, though Hardyng did not know these.

Importantly, none of the aforementioned chronicles makes reference to the “rode of the north dore” (2.2613m), a cross that Joseph made which was later cast into the sea by Agrestes, only to appear again in the reign of Lucius at St. Paul’s, London (see 3.96–119 and 3.99m). Hardyng’s marginal reference to the story being contained in the “book of Joseph of Arymathi lyfe” (2.2613m) implies that he knew a separate version of Joseph’s story, similar to, but doubtless fuller than, Lyfe of St Joseph of Armathia printed by Pynson in 1520, which also refers to the “rode” (see 217–24). Such a text was presumably based on Lestoire del Saint Graal, which makes reference to Agrestes (pp. 136–37), and Queste, which incorporates the story of the shield Galahad inherits on his Grail quest, something that Hardyng recounts later in the Chronicle (see 3.3052ff). If Hardyng did use a source of this kind, it may also have inspired his reference to the Virgin’s assumption, as Lyfe of St Joseph of Armathia (line 117) mentions this event, though the unedited part of an English Chronicle in National Library of Wales, MS 21608, ff. 25v–26r also includes it so, again, it could have come from a chronicle (see Marx, “Aberystwyth,” pp. 4–5). The tantalizing, but brief, reference to "þe Auenturus of Brutayne" (line 232) in the extant fragment of Joseph of Arimathie, a fourteenth-century English alliterative romance extant in the famous Vernon manuscript, seems to indicate that Joseph’s coming to Britain was covered in the missing text, so Hardyng may well have drawn on a similar lost vernacular romance containing the story of the cross. Henry Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail offers another example of a romance which associates Joseph with Glastonbury (IV:324) and includes an account of Agrestes and a ‘red cross’ (III:211–13), but in this version Agrestes does not throw the cross into the sea and it is not lost or associated with Lucius.

In the fifteenth century, the cross of the “north dore” was very popular with pilgrims, a fact that Reginald Pecock notes in his The Repressor of Over Much Blaming of the Clergy (I:194); this may have influenced Hardyng’s decision to include it in the Chronicle. For another reference to Joseph’s burial at Glastonbury, see 6.2317–23.

2676–82 In signe . . . over alle. Although some chronicles give Stainmore as the location of the stone Marius erects to commend his victory over Redryke the Pict (see OV lines 757–59, and EH II:261), the information provided by Hardyng, who describes the stone as the ancient boundary marker known as Rey Cross (“Rerecrosse”), appears to come from his own knowledge of the border regions.

Abbreviations:m: marginalia; MS: London, British Library MS Lansdowne 204 (base manuscript).

1m Pli(?). MS: This word is difficult to read. It appears to be an abbreviation of an author’s name. It could be an error or an unusual abbreviation for Pompeius Trogus, who is later mentioned with regards to Aeneas.

translata. MS: tranlata.

1 As. MS: an illuminated initial.

1-512 Hardyng writes in eight-line stanzas here and at 2.522–617.

68 Japhet cam. MS: Japhet.

89 An early hand, possibly that of John Stow, writes “Eryctonnus frost edified Troy” in the left-hand margin beside this line. See Manuscript Description for further information from Stow.

151 disposicioun. MS: disposicoun.

258 An early hand has written “Nota how Brutus was borne” in the gutter of the right-hand margin of this folio.

330 fallible. MS: fallibe.

417 Brutus. MS: an illuminated initial.

513-21 A nine-line stanza.

522–617 Hardyng writes in eight-line stanzas here and at 2.1–512.

543 The name “Brute” has been erased in the right-hand margin next to this line; a contemporary hand has rewritten it underneath the original annotation.

630 Cornewayle. MS: A contemporary hand has copied the word “Cornewall” below this word.

639m conceyte of. MS: of has been inserted above line.

667 Thus. MS: an illuminated initial.

730m Originally copied in iron gall ink, this marginalia has been overwritten in red.

786 Of. MS: an illuminated initial.

822 Mewyne. MS: An early hand has copied this name into the right-hand margin.

902 fylde. This sentence requires the infinitive fylen. The needs of rhyme have produced a grammatical error.

919 After. MS: an illuminated initial.

954 This. MS: an illuminated initial.

975 Manlyn. MS: an illuminated initial.

989 Membrice. MS: an illuminated initial.

1017 Ebrauke. MS: an illuminated initial.

1062 myschaunce. MS: myschaune.

1066m MS: This marginalia was originally copied in iron gall ink, but has been overwritten in red.

1073m A second “Nota” occurs beside 2.1073.

1115 Hys. MS: an illuminated initial.

1128 An early hand, apparently that of John Stow, writes “Gyldas” in the right-hand margin beside this line. See Manuscript Description.

1129 So. MS: an illuminated initial.

1153 Hys. MS: an illuminated initial.

1171 Bladud. MS: an illuminated initial.

1185 An early hand, apparently that of John Stow, writes “Gyldas” in the left-hand margin beside this line. See Manuscript Description.

1199 Aftyr. MS: an illuminated initial.

1234m Nota, for homage of Scotland. MS: This part of the marginalia was originally copied in iron gall ink; it has been overwritten in red.

1290m How Margan . . . of hym. MS: This part of the marginalia was originally copied in iron gall ink; it has been overwritten in red.

1290 Margan. MS: an illuminated initial.

1311m This marginalia occurs beside 2.1317.

1339 Ryval. MS: an illuminated initial.

1353m Nota of drunkenes. MS: This marginalia occurs beside 2.1358–59.

1353 Gurgustius. MS: an illuminated initial.

1367 Sisilius. MS: an illuminated initial.

1381 Iago. MS: an illuminated initial.

1395 Kymar. MS: an illuminated initial.

1409 Gorbodyan. MS: an illuminated initial.

1437 Cloten. MS: an illuminated initial.

1493 And. MS: an illuminated initial.

1556 Than. MS: an illuminated initial.

1654m hoste. MS: This word is inserted above the line.

1676 conquerours. MS: conquerous.

1689m An early hand, apparently that of John Stow, has written “Alfryd and Galfryd” after the marginalia. See Manuscript Description.

1718 And. MS: Ane.

1738m This marginalia occurs alongside 2.1742.

1801 Gurguyn. MS: an illuminated initial.

1850 Guytelyn. MS: an illuminated initial.

1864 Sysilius. MS: an illuminated initial.

1878 Kymar. MS: an illuminated initial.

1885 Danyus. MS: an illuminated initial.

1892 Morvyde. MS: an illuminated initial.

1941m first. MS: This word is inserted above the line.

1941 Gorbonyan₁. MS: an illuminated initial.

1955 Argalle. MS: an illuminated initial.

1962 Elydoure. MS: an illuminated initial.

1997 Argalle. MS: an illuminated initial.

2004 The. MS: an illuminated initial.

2011 But. MS: an illuminated initial.

2025 Peridoure. MS: an illuminated initial.

2032 Elydoure. MS: an illuminated initial.

2046 Gorbonyan. MS: an illuminated initial.

2053 Margan. MS: an illuminated initial.

2060 Enniaunus. MS: an illuminated initial.

2067 Ivalle. MS: an illuminated initial.

2074 Rymo. MS: an illuminated initial.

2081 Geyennes. MS: an illuminated initial.

2088 Katellus. MS: an illuminated initial.

2095 Coyle. MS: an illuminated initial.

2102 Porrex. MS: an illuminated initial.

2109m Nota of drunkenes. MS: This marginalia occurs beside 2.2114.

2109 Cheryn. MS: an illuminated initial.

2116 His. MS: an illuminated initial.

2137 Urian. MS: an illuminated initial.

2144 Elyud. MS: an illuminated initial; the rest of the name was originally in iron gall ink, but has been overwritten in red.

2146 Detonus. MS: originally written in iron gall ink, but overwritten in red.

2151 Detonus. MS: an illuminated initial.

2152–2259 The following words and proper names have an initial letter in red ink: Gurgucyus (2.2152); Meryan (2.2153); Bledudo (2.2154); Cappe (2.2156); Oenus (2.2156); Sisilyus (2.2157); Bledud (2.2158); Than (2.2165); Archyvalle (2.2165); Eldolle (2.2166); Redyon (2.2167); Redrike (2.2168); Samuel (2.2169); Pyrre (2.2170); Penysselle (2.2170); Capoyre (2.2171); Elyguelle (2.2171); Tenvancyus (2.2229); Cesar Julyus (2.2232); O (2.2237); For (2.2259).

2177 The scribe has written “Nota” alongside this line.

2178 greteste. MS: gretete.

2179 Hely. MS: an illuminated initial.

2193 Than. MS: an illuminated initial.

2221 Cassibalan. MS: an illuminated initial.

2237 Belyne. MS: initial letter originally in iron gall ink, overwritten in red.

2238 Belyne. MS: initial letter originally written in iron gall ink and overwritten in red.

2452 Tenvancius. MS: an illuminated initial.

2459m Kymbelyne Kynge. MS: This part of the marginalia appears to have been added at a later stage of production.

2459 Kymbelyne. MS: an illuminated initial.

2487 Guydere. MS: an illuminated initial.

2526 Arviragus. MS: an illuminated initial.

2527 Claudius. MS: Claudus.

2550 At. MS: an illuminated initial.

2574 An early hand, apparently that of John Stow, writes “Gyldas” in the left-hand margin next to this line. See Manuscript Description.

2599m This marginalia occurs beside 2.2604.

2599–2633 MS: The stanzas from 2.2599–2633 are quite close together, so the scribe has drawn red lines between each of them to show that they are separate.

2662 Maryus. MS: an illuminated initial.

2697 Coyle. MS: an illuminated initial.